The agonies of Indonesian migrant workers will likely continue as the
government has repeatedly failed to manage its overseas labour policy.
In Indonesia, international
labour migration has been perceived as a meagre issue by the government both
before and after independence. At the beginning of the 20th century (1905) the
Dutch introduced internal migration policy (emigratie) to resettle the Javanese
to Lampung in South Sumatra in attempt to resolve demographic pressures and the
declining welfare of Java’s population. Since then, internal migration preoccupied
the government policy and continued after independence (transmigrasi).
The emphasis on internal
migration policy influenced the thinking of the ruling elite, which has
resulted in the overlooking of international migration. Compare us to the Philippines,
which has a long tradition of international migration, Indonesia has a
relatively limited experience of cross-border labour movement.
The Indonesian government
recognised the existence of international labour migration around the mid-1980s
when the press began to report the abuses experienced by Indonesian domestic
workers in Saudi Arabia.
The reaction of the labour
minister at the time, Adm. Sudomo the former head of the Command for Security
and Public Order (Kopkamtib), is typical of Indonesian bureaucrats; instead of
protecting the vulnerable migrant workers, he accused the press of circulating
falsified stories and instructed domestic workers not to talk with the press.
Sudomo's attitude to migrant
workers three decades ago is no different today. The Indonesian governments,
from Soeharto to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, interestingly continue treating
overseas labour as a minor issue and perceive the agony of overseas labour as
merely an incidental occurrence.
President Yudhoyono on one
occasion stated that only 1 per cent of the total overseas migrant workers
experienced violence or human right abuses. On a different occasion, House of
Representatives speaker Marzuki Alie and head of the special task force created
by the president to solve the problem of migrant workers, Maftuh Basyuni, cited
the improper behaviour of migrant workers as the source of the problem. Basyuni
was a former religious affairs minister and former ambassador to Saudi Arabia.
There is no doubt that the
president and his administration neglect the vulnerability of migrant workers
and have been non-committal in improving the protection and security of
overseas labour.
Interestingly, amid the ad-hoc
and reactionary responses by the ruling elites to the problem of overseas
labour, the number of people who cross the state's borders to look for jobs has
steadily increased. The flow of labour reflects the high demand of workers in
the receiving countries and the surplus of labour at the home countries.
The latest economic surveys (The
Jakarta Post, November 5, 2012) indicate that domestic job creation is very low
although nationally economic growth is relatively high. The flow of labour also
indicates that income disparities between Indonesia and the receiving countries
remain high. Regretfully, overseas labour has only been given little attention
and never integrated into the macroeconomic policy and overall human resource development
planning in Indonesia.
A clear and comprehensive
overseas labour policy is a long overdue. The migration industry, which for a
long time has been left under the control of private agencies and labour
brokers, should be regulated — migrant workers are citizens that should be
protected by the state.
The current commodification of
migrant workers that allows them to enter the international labour market
unprotected should be regarded — not only as a violation of human right
principles but more importantly — as a violation of the Indonesian
Constitution.
A more detailed view on the
current situation and condition of overseas labour is important to avoid over
generalisations. The receiving countries of Indonesian migrant workers could be
categorised into three groups: worst, medium and good, based on irregularities
and human right violations experienced by the migrant workers.
Applying this simple
categorisation, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia would be under the worst category;
while Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan would be falling into the medium
category; and Japan and South Korea would be under the good category.
The Indonesian government must
prioritise its overseas labour policy to be in favour of the receiving
countries that, by their domestic social, economic and political natures, treat
foreign migrant workers well.
Concerted efforts should be
developed within and outside the state's borders — and among the ministries,
especially the Home Ministry, Law and Human Rights Ministry, Manpower and Transmigration
Ministry and Foreign Ministry — if a viable overseas labour policy with a
strong protection component will be formulated. In this effort, civil society
organisations experienced in advocating for the improvement of migrant workers'
human rights conditions should be consulted in the early stages.
Riwanto
Tirtosudarmo
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