The violence in western Burma between Rohingya and Arakanese has evolved
in recent weeks, and now there is a distinct possibility that a religious war
is unfolding that could spread far beyond Arakan state.
The most concerning sign is the
recent attacks by Arakanese and security forces on Kaman Muslims, who had
previously lived comfortably alongside Buddhist communities, and who have
citizenship (the citizenship issue had been one of the main justifications used
by Arakanese and the government for mistreatment of the Rohingya, who are
stateless).
Earlier this month a group of
monks in Sittwe, the Arakan state capital, released a statement calling for
Arakanese to “expose sympathisers of Bengali Kalars [a derogatory term for
Rohingya] as national traitors along with photos and spread the information to
every township”. A similar message was circulated by monks in Karen state, in
eastern Burma, which has a far smaller population of Muslims. It said that
anyone who interacted with Muslims – marry, trade with, and so on – would
receive “critical punishment”.
It is becoming increasingly hard
to dismiss the violence as something local to western Burma. People in Arakan
state appear eager to publicise that they are not Muslim: “Hindu boys we met
working in the market had a tag hanging around their neck claiming they are
Hindu with their home address (issued and signed by the ward leader), and they
are not even full citizens,” a foreign NGO worker said of a recent visit to
Sittwe in Arakan state.
I had some interesting
correspondence recently with another Thailand-based NGO worker who traveled to
Bangladesh in late October and met with journalists – Arakanese, Rohingya, and
Bangladeshi – and government officials.
Below are some excerpts.
“Both Rohingya and Arakanese
reporters gave current anecdotes about small groups on the ground (in plain
clothes), operating with impunity by authorities, actively trying to stir up
religious conflict. They told detailed stories of daylight attacks on religious
buildings, including brazenly burning the Kuran and attacking temples and
mosques.
“The Arakanese reporters seem
nervous to write about these things as they fear attacks by their own people,
but admitted that the authorities, especially the army, are openly trying to
organise anti-Muslim activities and it is getting worse. They felt that many
Arakanese leaders seem reluctant to carry out these activities again because of
the damage they have already suffered and therefore the Tatmadaw [Burma army]
is having to take even more aggressive measures to fuel this religious war.”
The NGO worker, who doesn’t want
to be named, also recounted discrimination experienced by colleagues in Karen
and Karenni state in October.
“Recently several of our partners
went back into Karen and Karenni state to renew their Burmese ID’s. In two
separate cases, in two separate areas, they said the question asked at the
government office was whether they are Muslim. Also, after they “proved” they
were not, the authorities explained they are now making a list of all Muslims
in their areas. One office official said the list was being prepared to
disenfranchise Muslims there.”
To be sure, a lot of the stories
being circulated are anecdotal, but put together, it suggests an evolution of
this conflict that should be of pressing concern to all stakeholders. Both
sides have committee grave abuses, but attempts so far at reconciliation seem
to be hitting a brick wall. If it is true however that a belief system, rather
than an ethnicity, is now being targeted, then the ramifications could be
far-reaching.
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