Dec 31, 2013

Thailand - Thai Parties and ‘Lucky’ Numbers

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BANGKOK – Given a bit of a superstitious streak in Thailand, it’s no wonder that Thai political parties might have been hoping for “lucky” numbers in a draw last week to determine their order on the Feb. 2 election ballot.

The favorite ballot place is definitely No. 1, because that stands for being the first. That number went to the Chart Pattana (National Development) Party, a coalition member of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s government.

Another desired number is nine, which in Thai is the same as the word meaning “step forward.” That number went to the Pheu Santi (For Peace) Party, a small and newly formed political group.

A less-lucky and somewhat less-desirable number is six, which sounds like “falling” in Thai. It went to the Bhumjaithai (Thai Pride) Party, which has been a part of the opposition coalition.

The upcoming election, called after Ms. Yingluck dissolved the Lower House on Dec. 9, will determine who will control Thailand’s 500-member House of Representatives.

Traditionally, parties wishing to end up with “lucky” numbers would want to register in the morning of the first day of the registration. Thirty of them managed to register, but none got to draw before Thursday because of antigovernment demonstrations.

Another 23 political parties, who did not report to the independent Election Commission by the morning of the first day of registration, have automatically been assigned numbers from 31 to 53.

The ruling Pheu Thai Party drew the number 15. The number has no significance in Thailand.  But some superstitious Thais might read it to mean the party wasn’t especially lucky because it won’t won’t be among the top-listed choices for voters.

In the last polls in 2011, Ms. Yingluck’s Pheu Thai Party won in a landslide after it drew the lucky No. 1.

A couple of years ago, the opposition Democrat Party drew number 10. The number has no significance in terms of superstition. But it left the party lower on the list of voter choices. To improve its chances, it took the label “The Conqueror of Ten Directions” from one of the country’s fictional heroes to make its number more memorable.

The opposition Democrat Party is boycotting the upcoming elections, so it didn’t draw a number.

In addition to the air of superstition around some specific numbers, political parties want to be high on the ballot to get more voter attention.  Which raises another form of superstition — was a party lucky in the draw, given its position on the ballot?

The ballot drawing has traditionally been a colorful and exciting event. Parties and supporters packed into a stadium and responded to their draw with thunderous applause — even if it wasn’t the best number.

But this time, the ongoing antigovernment protests to oust Ms. Yingluck and her Pheu Thai Party overshadowed the drawing. Two people — a policeman and a protester– were killed during a clash last Thursday.

Will the Feb. 2 election show there is luck behind certain numbers? Some Thais surely will believe so.

Nopparat Chaichalearmmongkol



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Malaysia - New law in M'sian state meant to discourage cross-dressing: religious authorities

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A new Syariah law that provides tougher penalties against cross-dressing in Pahang state, peninsula Malaysia, is not about punishing cross-dressers, but to discourage such activities from being rampant, says the Pahang Islamic Religious Department (Jaip).

Its deputy director Mohd Ghazali Abdul Aziz said that the Syariah Criminal Offences Enactment 2013 was about reminding the public that such social ills should be curbed for the greater good of the people.

“Prior to this, we have been focusing on organising awareness programmes as well as advising cross-dressers to change their behaviour.

“However, the current enforcement system lacks the power to tackle this issue effectively, and that’s why this new law is being implemented,” he said when contacted yesterday.

On Thursday, Pahang Islamic Religious and Malay Customs Council (Muip) deputy president Wan Abdul Wahid Wan Hassan said those arrested under the new Syariah Criminal Offences Enactment 2013 could face a maximum of a year’s jail or be fined up to 1,000 ringgit (US$304.04) or both if convicted.

He said the lack of stern punishment against mak nyah (transvestites) and pengkid(tomboys) had resulted in a rise in immoral activity in the state.

Mohd Ghazali said enforcement under the new law, which came in force on December 1, had yet to be carried out as the new provisions were still being studied.

“I do not want to comment more on this because we have not enforced the law yet,” he added.


The Star

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Malaysia - Malaysia State Outlaws Muslim ‘Cross Dressers’

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What does it matter how you dress?

Well one state in Malaysia cares, at least for those who are Muslim.

The Pahang state in Malaysia’s east coast has outlawed “cross dressing” by followers of Islam. It vows to charge Muslim men or women that it perceives wearing clothes of the opposite gender. The punishment is up to one year in prison.

The law only applies to Muslims in the Pahang state.

It is the latest sign of increasing Islamization in the multi-ethnic Southeast Asian nation, which is often viewed as a model moderate Muslim country by the West.

Each of the 13 Malaysian states has its own religious laws and moral guidelines governing Muslims–ranging from strict dress codes to ban on alcohol consumption–and enforcement is left under state’s purview.

The Quran doesn’t specifically address cross dressing, but urges its followers to dress modestly.

“We couldn’t take any action before this. We want to make sure it does not become more widespread,” Wan Wahid Wan Hassan, deputy president of Pahang Islamic Religious and Malay Customs Council, told The Wall Street Journal.

The state’s Syariah Criminal Offenses Enactment of 2013 states that any “man behaving like women” or “woman behaving like man” is punishable by 1,000 ringgit ($304) or one-year jail or both. The list of Islamic crimes under the latest enactment runs up to 50 offenses, including spreading “false doctrine” which is punishable by a fine as much as 5,000 ringgit, three years jail, six whippings, or any combinations of such punishment.

“We don’t want any immoral activities here, and we will make sure enforcement officers will have this additional duty when they go out on their routine checks around the state,” Mr. Wahid said. The council’s main role is to advise, while enforcement is left to the Pahang Islamic Religious Department, he added.

Nizam Bashir, a syariah lawyer, said there is a desire in Islam to ensure “a clear demarcation” in terms of sexuality and sexual expression.

“Beyond the Quran, everyone is guaranteed under Malaysian constitution to freedom of speech and expression. Attire is part of expression and it’s a fundamental liberty that the state legilsative may have encroached,” Mr. Nizam said.

Raids by Islamic authorities–mostly for “close proximity” offenses between unmarried Muslim couples–are regular news items in local media. Muslims make up about 61% of the 28 million population.

Jason Ng



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China - English fever cools in post-Olympic China

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After an enthusiastic bid to learn English in the run-up to the 2008 Olympic Games, China's ardour for the language, it seems, has cooled considerably.

The Beijing municipality said it might downgrade English for the city's key college entrance exam - or gaokao - in 2016. Meanwhile, the education ministry is suggesting removing it entirely from the gaokao by 2017.

The changes reflect concerns that while Chinese students invest huge amounts of time and effort in studying English, few are able to use it well.

They also show a rising confidence in the currency of Chinese as an global language, after the country's three decades of rapid economic growth.

While some parents are worried this might hurt their children's proficiency in English, Qin Ping, whose 16-year-old son is taking the exam in two years, said she welcomes the move.

"His English grades are above average but they are not top of the class so he can spend more time on subjects he is better at," said Qin, a 40-year-old who works in the clothing industry.

In October, Beijing, for instance, said it plans to make the English test in the Chinese capital's gaokao easier, while reducing its weightage and raising the importance of Chinese instead. Earlier this month, the education ministry also said English will be removed from the gaokao in 2017.

China's experience mirrors that of Singapore, where parents have called for the mother tongue to be given less weight, or to be made optional in computing the Primary School Leaving Examination score.

Many Singaporean children are strong in other subjects but weak in mother tongue, and find the subject highly stressful. But Singapore's education ministry has rejected the idea on the grounds that making it optional will lead to pupils not taking it seriously.

Chinese observers and parents alike are split in their view of this policy shift. Some worry that a reduced emphasis will result in poor English proficiency and hurt the ability of young Chinese to interact with the rest of the world. But others note that with China's economy booming, English might not be crucial to the careers of many students.

Education scholar Cheng Fangping of Renmin University told The Straits Times the changes do not mean the government is attaching lesser importance to English. Rather, he said, it is improving its assessment methods and bringing them line with global standards.

"It's rare for a foreign language to be given equal weight as the native language in an exam so the emphasis on English has become burdensome," he explained.

Under Beijing's plan, the English section of the exam, which now counts for 150 points out of a total of 750, would be reduced to 100 points. The Chinese section would be raised from 150 to 180.

Cheng said he doubted that changing the weightage of English would compromise English standards in China in the long run.

"There are still many tests that assess a student's English skills. And even though English is in the gaokao now, many still can't use it well. Part of the problem is the way it is taught by rote," he said.

The People's Daily, mouthpiece of the Communist Party, said on its Twitter-like Weibo account in October that Beijing's gaokao reform plans are a sign that "a rising China should treat English reasonably and be confident about its own language".

Some parents share the view that English has enjoyed inordinate emphasis at the expense of Chinese.

"Many young people born after the 1990s can't even write Chinese characters well," said Li Yangcun, 43, an employee of a Beijing technology firm whose son will take the gaokaonext year. "It's better to work on that first before venturing to English."

But while parents cheered the prospect of less exam stress for their children, many want English to stay part of the curriculum.

"China's importance is growing but English is an international language and important if you want it for communicating with the world," Qin said.

Esther Teo


The Straits Times

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Malaysia - Incoming foreign students face woes in M'sia

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Malaysia’s plan to become a major education hub in Asia has hit a snag – a well-meaning move to make all applications for international student visas go through one agency has led to multiple complaints of long delays and higher costs.

The education ministry’s Education Malaysia Global Services (EMGS) started processing the visas from February this year.

Previously, the universities and colleges themselves handled such things as verifying student qualifications, getting them to go for medical check-ups at local clinics and to get health insurance coverage, ensuring they have sufficient funds, and applying to the immigration department for the visas.

Malaysia has some 95,000 foreign students today, but many of those who are incoming are unhappy and their complaints have appeared on social media. This has led Deputy Education Minister P. Kamalanathan to promise to improve things.

Malaysia, which has more than two dozen private colleges and universities, and 20 public universities, wants to double its international student population to 200,000 by 2020.

The move to bring in the EMGS came about after years of suspicion that some of these foreigners came to Malaysia to do anything but study.

These racial stereotypes are sometimes splashed in newspaper headlines. Africans, according to the unflattering stereotypes, are in Malaysia to commit crime and sell drugs, while young women from China are here to work as club hostesses. The Arabs and Iranians supposedly fly in to await the first chance to emigrate to Australia via Indonesia. Or they just want to stay in a safe Muslim country while their own countries face political and economic strife.

While some of the claims were true, officials said that the black sheep could usually be traced to a few private institutions eager to collect student fees and thus had no qualms accepting questionable students. These institutions did not care whether their students turned up for classes as long as they paid their fees.

The education ministry thought that having the EMGS would help improve the system.

But having one agency handle everything has brought about a new set of problems, ranging from long delays of up to five months to get a visa to higher registration costs for would-be students.

“EMGS/Malaysia Immigration don’t seem to realise the terrible inconvenience and anxiety they create for international students these days. This is severely tarnishing Malaysia’s image as a hub for higher education,” Lareefa commented on the Internet in response to an online report about the visa problems.

The young foreigners have to just wait in Malaysia and cannot attend classes until they receive their visas.

Worse, some are afraid to even leave their rented homes because they will not be able produce their passports should they be stopped at a police roadblock. They claim the police usually do not accept the temporary documents issued by the ministry or private institutions in lieu of their passports.

Said Rashi, a 19-year old student from Oman: “I can’t travel home despite the one-month semester break.”

He told The Star paper: “I am also constantly at risk of getting detained by police.”

In September, the EMGS blamed the visa delay on some private colleges and universities which, it said, submitted incomplete documents from their students.

The president of the Malaysian Association of Private Colleges and Universities, Dr Parmjit Singh, denied this.

“The institutions have been processing the visa applications for years, long before the EMGS came about. The agency has to take responsibility for the delay. which is turning away our foreign students,” he was quoted by The Star newspaper as saying.

He said there was an overall 30 to 40 per cent drop in foreign student intake as news about the delays spread among students.

The other major grouse is that the EMGS charges some 1,800 ringgit (US$546) for the visa processing, compared to just a few hundred ringgit charged by universities and colleges.

EMGS denied that all the institutions charged low processing fees. Several institutions and their agents charge “far in excess” of what EMGS charges, said its chief executive officer Mohd Yazid Abdul Hamid in an email response to criticisms from an opposition MP.

The deputy education minister told students who have problems with their visas to email them.

He said the ministry had in place a two-year moratorium on licences given out to institutions to admit foreign students in order to weed out rogue colleges.

“Don’t think that we have not been doing anything for these two years. We are ironing out all these issues to make sure that when the ministry starts issuing licences again in 2015, this problem will have been resolved.”

Reme Ahmad


The Straits Times

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Malaysia - M'sian govt to enforce cost-cutting measures starting January 1

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In a move to walk the talk about prudent spending, the Malaysian government will enforce 11 cost-cutting measures for the public sector starting tomorrow.

The measures range from cutting entertainment and toll allowances of ministers and deputy ministers to reducing the supply of food and drinks at official functions.

Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak said in a statement that the decision to introduce the measures followed discussions with his deputy Muhyiddin Yassin and the Chief Secretary to the Government Ali Hamsa.

“Other thrift measures for the public sector will be announced from time to time based on needs and the prevailing situation,” Najib said.

The measures come in the wake of rising public concern over a spate of price increases, including a hike in electricity tariff, effective tomorrow.

Senior government officials will bear the brunt of many of the cuts.

The entertainment allowance of officers on the Public Sector Superscale (Jawatan Utama Sektor Awam or Jusa) in category C and above will be cut by between 5% and 10%. Civil servants on the Superscale are senior government officials such as department heads.

The toll payment facility for civil servants in the Jusa C category and above will also be reduced by between 50 ringgit (US$15.18) and 100 ringgit ($30.35).

All government premises need to reduce their electricity bills by 5%. Renovations of such premises are now frozen, while the process of appointing consultants for government projects will be tightened.

There is to be less use of event management companies and door gifts. More senior civil servants will have to use economy class flights.

The last time the government implemented cost-cutting measures was during the 1997 economic downturn. The measures announced in December that year included a 10% cut in salaries of ministers, an 18% reduction in government spending and the postponement of several public sector investment projects.


The Star

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Philippines - Philippines winning battle vs corruption, says Aquino

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In what he described as the “last two minutes” of his term, Philippine President Benigno Aquino III urged Filipinos on December 30 to remain on the path of righteousness and reason, claiming that his policy of good governance was now “eradicating the last vestiges of corruption”.

President Aquino on Monday urged Filipinos to remain on the path of “righteousness” and “reason” during what he described as the “last two minutes” of his term, saying his good government policy was now “eradicating the last vestiges of corruption”.

That is “clear” and because of good government, “we are able to provide more opportunities for our people,” Aquino said in Filipino in his New Year message to the nation.

Aquino, who, running on an anticorruption platform, was elected in a landslide in 2010, said his administration was “close to achieving justice in the prosecution of those who committed wrong and abuses” in the use of the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF).

The PDAF was a pork barrel that channeled funds to congressional districts. The Supreme Court struck it down recently as unconstitutional amid a scandal involving the theft of 10 billion pesos (US$225 million) from the fund allegedly through connivance between a businesswoman, Janet Lim-Napoles, lawmakers and government officials over the last 10 years.

Under evaluation

The Office of the Ombudsman is still evaluating the plunder charges brought three months ago by the Department of Justice against Napoles, the alleged brains behind the pork barrel scam, and Senators Juan Ponce Enrile, Jinggoy Estrada and Ramon 'Bong' Revilla Jr.

Also charged in the first batch of cases were 34 people, including former members of the House of Representatives.

In the second batch of cases, at least 10 more former legislators and government officials, including President Aquino’s ally, former Muntinlupa Rep. Ruffy Biazon, were charged with malversation early last month.

“We continue to lay down mechanisms to ensure that the people’s money will go to them only,” said Aquino, who interrupted his holiday break to lead the commemoration of the 117th anniversary of national hero Jose Rizal’s death in Tarlac City.

Hope for recovery

The president’s message for the coming year, and for the rest of his term, offered hope for recovery, recalling the conflicts and calamities that disrupted life in the country this year.

He paid tribute to Filipinos for showing “extraordinary resilience” after all the difficulties they went through in 2013.

“We really triumphed over many things in 2013,” he said, but acknowledged that “there would be more calamities that would test our strength as a nation” in the coming year.

“But let us always be ready to prove that the strength of our civic spirit will shine in the face of scoundrels who might sow conflict or earthquakes or typhoons that might hit our land,” Aquino said.

‘Last two minutes’

The president cited what he described as “dregs of the old dispensation”, who, he said, would become “desperate and would try to derail” his administration’s political, social and economic reforms.
“We are entering another year on the right path and, as in basketball, we are going into the last two minutes,” Aquino said.

“In the final stretch of my term, we will waste no time. Every meaningful contribution of each Filipino will lead us to progress,” he said.

Aquino outlined the achievements of his administration since he took office three years ago, and said the people—whom he calls his “bosses”—would “determine the direction” that he would take in his last two years in Malacanang.

“The contributions of each one of us will be the key for us to achieve our goals,” he said.

The president attributed the Philippines’ achieving the “highest recorded GDP [gross domestic product] growth in Southeast Asia and one of the highest in Asia” to good government under his administration.

“Let us always side with the truth and with our fellowmen. Let us remain on the side of reason and accountability and take advantage of every opportunity that will lead to the greater good of the greater number,” he said.

Christian V. Esguerra


With report by Bong Lozada, INQUIRER.net

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Foreign food chains to cast local brands out of home market?

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VietNamNet Bridge – Most of the biggest brands in the world have been present or heading towards Vietnam, which is believed to dislodge Vietnamese brands out of the market.

The influx of global brands

Managing Director of McDonald’s Vietnam Nguyen Huy Thinh has confirmed that the first shop, at No. 2-6bis Dien Bien Phu Street in the central district No. 1 in HCM City, would be inaugurated after 2014 Tet, or in February 2014.

The menu would include the most favorite dishes, from Big Mac sandwich to Cheeseburger or French fries. Especially, the 24/24 service and drive-thru service to be provided showed the strong determination to win the hearts of consumers and the effort to understand Vietnamese consumption habit.

In April 2013, The Pizza Company, a Thai fast food brand, made its official presence in HCM City.

In late 2012, a subsidiary of IPP Group became the franchisee partner of Burger King, the US fast food chain. The first shops of the chain were opened in Hanoi and HCM City in early 2013.

A senior executive of IPP revealed that it would open 3-4 new shops every month in big cities nationwide.
After the 2013 Tet, Starbucks set foot in HCM City market, opening the first shop in the city and has been expanding its network since then.

A lot of new foreign names have been heard recently in the retail market. Lotte, after opening its supermarkets in HCM City, Da Nang and Dong Nai province, has been marching toward the north, planning to open the first supermarket in Hanoi in early 2014.

In May 2013, NTUC FairPrice, a retailer from Singapore, joined forces with Saigon Co-op to set up a joint venture to run Co-opXtra and C-opXtraPlus chains.

The death of Vietnamese brands

Once cherishing the ambition of developing Pho 24 into a global brand, the brand owner Ly Quy Trung finally decided to sell the brand for $20 million.

The buyer of Pho 24 was VTI, the owner of Highlands Coffee. Shortly after buying Pho 24, VTI has sold 50 percent of its stakes to Jollibee, a group from the Philippines, for $25 million.

Analysts said Trung had to sell Pho 24 when more problems arose during the business expansion. Domestic shops then got “worn out,” even though the service quality was still maintained.

The lack of capital was believed to be the biggest problem at that moment. It was the time when VinaCapital withdrew its capital. Investment funds generally withdraw capital from companies after five years of investments.

The problems in the corporate governance then also put big difficulties for Pho 24 to compete with the foreign brands like KFC or Lotte.

Vietnamese companies are believed to be inferior to foreign ones due to their short term vision and the business strategies which only aim to short term benefits. Besides, they are not professional and experienced enough to run food chains.

The story of Bibica has been a hot topic in the discussions of the business circle. Bibica, with ambition of becoming the Number 1 in the sweets market, in 2007 decided to cooperate with South Korean Lotte, which then bought 30 percent of Bibica stakes.

However, Bibica later admitted cooperating with Lotte was a wrong move. The South Korean partner, which has increased its ownership ratio to 38 percent, has shown its intention of take over Bibica.


Dat Viet

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Malaysia - Doubts about AEC pervade Malaysia

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KUALA LUMPUR -- Since the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) is currently front and center in the development plans of the ASEAN Community's three pillars, and the ASEAN Community in general is supposed to be achieved by 2015, the AEC can expect to be watched closely in the months ahead. It is also likely to be taken as a measure of the progress and prospects of the ASEAN Community as a whole. However, popular perceptions so far are not as positive as they ought to be.

Independent media and business circles have signaled their skepticism if not cynicism toward expectations that the AEC can be achieved by 2015. This situation is as prevalent in Malaysia as it is elsewhere in ASEAN. The general pessimism is not without reason, but it should avoid discouraging continued efforts to expedite the establishment of the ASEAN Community. If the prospects of abiding by the 2015 deadline do not seem bright, that should be even greater reason to redouble our efforts.

At the same time, policymakers and others with inputs or interests in the process should identify and acknowledge the reasons why these prospects do not seem so bright. They should then rectify or resolve those problems to facilitate a timely realization of the AEC. At the same time, the development of the ASEAN Community's political security and socio-economic pillars should not be held up just because AEC happens to be delayed. Each pillar should be independent enough of the others to enable us to forge ahead wherever possible.

Among policy researchers, a general optimism may be observed, with some even saying that there are good reasons for optimism. If that sense of expectant hope is less than justified however, it may be that the AEC policy research community needs to be geared more closely to the “street” in the region, or it may indicate that a disconnect between researchers and policymakers persists. A significant problem is the lack of connectivity between the key players: government, industry, academia, media and civil society groups.

To a degree, the public and private sectors tend to blame each other for delays and bottlenecks. No side is blameless, and it takes both contributing actively as well as cooperating imaginatively for success. A realistic outlook is essential from the outset, and this would include an honest assessment of any obstacles and weak spots.

In late October of this year, Group Managing Director and CEO of CIMB Group Nazir Razak expressed serious doubts that AEC would be established by the end of 2015 as planned.
Speaking at the World Capital Markets Symposium in Kuala Lumpur, the brother of Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak was skeptical that ASEAN would achieve a single production base with free movement of capital, investments, skilled labor and goods and services within another 27 months. Among other challenges, he noted that ASEAN had yet to establish the master plan and banking framework for AEC.

Nazir also observed that the ASEAN Secretariat still lacked the necessary legal framework and infrastructure for AEC. Evidently, the available indications are that AEC is behind schedule. Nonetheless, Nazir prefers to maintain the 2015 deadline while cautioning that there should be no more unrealistic projections or expectations.

As a senior corporate figure in the region, he is more concerned with ASEAN realities and possibilities than with political spin or rhetoric. He was also expressing the hard-nosed concerns of the business world, adding that unrealistic expectations can backfire by damaging the integrity and credibility of community building itself.

At the government level however, a similar sense of urgency seems absent. There are reports that while ASEAN generally looks to Indonesia to show regional leadership on AEC, the government of ASEAN's biggest economy had only lately realized the enormity of the task. Furthermore, the Indonesian corporate sector is looking to the country's 2014 election to determine a new president, who — enjoying both national approval and regional consensus — would spearhead the drive for AEC. But given AEC's 2015 deadline, that only spells delay and dismay.

A Need for Clear Plans

One outstanding need is for ASEAN to articulate a clear trajectory to 2015 and beyond. For example, is the goal of AEC a common market, a customs union or something else? In coming after the EU, with all its known challenges and flaws, the ASEAN Community should take care in avoiding the same mistakes. A sound perspective of the 2015 challenge also helps: it should be understood that AEC was never meant to be “completed” by 2015, but fundamental aspects of it should at least be in place by then to enable a steady evolution thereafter.

Promise SMEs, Promise a Successful AEC

Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are also the prime cornerstone of national economies in the region. In Malaysia they account for up to 97 percent of output. SMEs therefore need due recognition as productivity powerhouses, with efforts to promote their interests and status. An AEC of promise is also one that promises SMEs. Singapore and Malaysia have well-developed SMEs and are in turn well-developed economies in ASEAN.

Much still remains to be done in several sectors. The automotive sector for example is plagued with policy anomalies that add up to obstacles and challenges. It has been said that little has been achieved in this sector other than tariff removals. Other industries such as foodstuffs, palm oil and timber also lack policy coordination and harmonization. Specific timelines to serve as milestones are still undeveloped or non-existent.

Among ASEAN member states in general, a crucial sense of regionalism is also lacking. Individual countries still seem disproportionately concerned with national interests relative to other ASEAN countries. Two key points should be remembered by all: a better realization of AEC will benefit all countries, regardless of whether some countries benefit more than others; and a weak or unfulfilled AEC will hurt all countries, whatever the degree of harm suffered by each.

Another problem is that the region's private sector remains underdeveloped in policy terms, with little relation to plans, programs and projects in the public sphere. They compare unfavorably with their counterparts in Japan, Europe and North America that are more pro-active in providing inputs for policy. The business sector in ASEAN countries needs to provide more in terms of thinking, proposals and advice to policymaking circles at national and regional levels.

Also lacking in this region are consistent technical and professional inputs from the private to the public sector. Institutions like the ASEAN Chamber of Commerce and Industry should step up and offer more suggestions. This lack is compounded by a general shortage of resources. For example, better funding for the ASEAN Secretariat would help. But since individual national contributions are uniform, improving the Secretariat's cash flow and reserves is likely to remain a serious challenge.

In a state-centric ASEAN, of course much has been done at the government-to-government level. However, this contrasts sharply with the still minimal role of the private sector in helping to shape policy. Nonetheless, private sector tie-ups in the region do show promise in developing regional production networks and can be developed further. Due cognizance should be taken of these realities to avoid further difficulties while maximizing opportunities.

Other concerns that need addressing include production moving up the technology ladder, providing a clear cost-benefit analysis of deeper regionalization that favors production-line development, the growth of China that makes the region both more complementary and competitive and getting all sectors fully on board with AEC. With those foundations in place, the other two pillars of the ASEAN Community would also be more assured.

Cultivating greater involvement by business as well as civil society groups has become a prime requirement. More than before in ASEAN's history, involving more non-state actors should now be a high priority. It does not mean the role of governments has diminished, but it does mean that ASEAN must be equated with a community of nations founded on the commonalities of their people. As a contemporary reality, this befits the current evolution of ASEAN in a highly competitive world.

The AEC may not be developing as quickly as it should or as smoothly as it could, but the fact of its development is certain and its direction is unquestioned. Since there is always room for improvement, it is then for all parties in the ASEAN nations to contribute to the process. Instead of carping or petty, cynical criticism, concerned groups and individuals should do their part in ensuring AEC's timely realization. Once in its formative stages it would be easier to shape and ameliorate, whereas continual self-doubt and endless questioning will only make it a perpetual nonentity.

Certain steps have already been taken to establish ASEAN capital market integration, for example. In early October, it was announced that Thailand's Securities and Exchange Commission, Malaysia's Securities Commission and the Monetary Authority of Singapore signed a Memorandum of Understanding to set up an ASEAN CIS (Collective Investment Schemes) framework. Once in operation from early 2014, investors in the three countries will have a broader menu of investment choices. From this collaboration between three original ASEAN members, others may also join in when they are ready to help the process evolve.

Such efforts, although slower and later than they could or should have been, are at least careful and steady. As considered measures taken with the consent of all the stakeholders at each stage, they are at least less hobbled by glitches than they might otherwise have been. In practice, that means ensuring minimal or zero imperfections in operation for swifter growth and development. As soon as other ASEAN countries have the capacity to join the process, they can get on board very quickly.

Already, a set of common standards has been established for a cross-border offering of ASEAN CIS. A certain professional standard for fund managers has also been set, with a sense of industry best practices. The process helps professionalism, competitiveness and ultimately the health of investments. With such efforts, development of AEC and of the ASEAN Community more generally becomes assured.

Other, perhaps more modest, measures that are people-centered can also facilitate establishment of the ASEAN Community in general and the AEC in particular. The purpose is to promote a sense of “ASEAN ownership” by ASEAN nationals when they travel between member nations. Several years ago, Indonesia proposed a privileged travel document between ASEAN countries for ASEAN officials, and Thailand experimented with ASEAN Lanes at airport immigration counters, but the response in both cases was discouraging. The time may now be right to revisit such efforts, given the clearer direction afforded by the ASEAN Charter and the push to establish the ASEAN Community in two years.

Such goals as ASEAN connectivity, integration and community cannot succeed without better people-to-people exchanges and cross-border bonding. That means agreeing to, permitting, encouraging and assisting ASEAN community-building efforts by non-state actors. ASEAN officials need enough faith in their fellow citizens to make ASEAN less officious and more people-friendly. Once community building by people becomes a powerful reality, it can contribute immensely to inter-state functions.

ASEAN itself may remain an inter-state body, but its growth and development as a community with a distinct ASEAN identity can be realized only with greater participation by the people of ASEAN. As it has defined itself, ASEAN is after all an “association of Southeast Asian nations,” not of governments. Nations are composed of a broad range of private groups and individuals, not just official government bodies. If ASEAN governments are still not fully cognizant of the power and capacity of their people to build a strong, healthy and vibrant ASEAN Community, the sooner they realize it the better it will be for all.

Bunn Nagara


The Star/Asia News Network

Business & Investment Opportunities 

Saigon Business Corporation Pte Ltd (SBC) is incorporated in Singapore since 1994. 

Can Myanmar Be a Game Changer in Asean?

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Myanmar’s President U Thein Sein, left, raises the Asean gavel after receiving it from Brunei’s Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah during the closing ceremony of the 23rd Asean Summit in Bandar Seri Begawan in October 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — As the new chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), Myanmar has to face challenges emanating both from home and from the grouping’s agenda. How the chair handles these issues—both in terms of agenda-setting and narratives—will determine the status of Myanmar within the region and broader international community in the future.

Myanmar can draw best practices from Asean to maximize the benefit it derives from its long-awaited chairmanship, skipped in 2005. To see what is possible, it need only look at the example of Indonesia. Before it democratized in 1998, Indonesia represented the lowest denominator within the grouping. No Asean agreements or measures could move ahead without a nod from its largest member. Now, 15 years later, Indonesia has taken the lead in pushing for changes to bring Asean to new heights. Jakarta has successfully raised the grouping’s international profile and energized overall engagement with major powers. New ideas and frameworks proposed by Indonesia have already strengthened the rule-based organization to ensure compliance by its members.

Indonesia’s efforts have been possible because of the country’s steady democratic development and openness—with vibrant media and civil society groups—as well as its willingness to discuss its own internal issues, something long considered taboo by Asean norms. During the East Timor crisis of 2000, for instance, Jakarta asked Asean to contribute to the formation of an international peace-keeping force. Thailand, the Philippines and Malaysia responded to the request as individual members. It was the first time that Asean had washed its dirty linen in public.

Similarly, Myanmar’s ethnic issues and its religious and communal conflicts are no longer hidden from outside scrutiny. Over the past two years, local and international media have reported directly from affected areas inside the country. Therefore, these problems feature high on the Asean agenda due to their repercussions on neighboring countries and Asean as a whole. But as the current chair, Naypyitaw could choose to suppress discussion of these issues, as one of the prerogatives of its new position is the power to determine the agendas of all Asean meetings from now until December 2014.

If the past is any indicator, the new chair may choose to avoid mentioning, much less discussing, these issues completely. However, it could also use this unique opportunity to address them in constructive ways. For example, instead of shying away from the Rohingya refugee crisis, which has both domestic and regional dimensions, Myanmar could voluntarily report on it to its colleagues. It could also provide an update on the progress of the country’s national dialogue and reconciliation efforts with various ethnic minorities. At the Asean ministerial meeting in Bandar Seri Begawan in July, Indonesia won praise for unilaterally reporting on its human rights situation. Thailand and the Philippines will do the same at the meeting next year.

By openly raising sensitive issues, the chair could establish new best practices in a way that would have regional implications. Such updates and dialogues would help increase confidence among Asean members in their ability to discuss sensitive issues. While this wouldn’t necessarily lead to regional solutions to all problems, as there are still constraints on how Asean members can work together on certain issues, such courage would engender goodwill toward Myanmar and result in a better understanding of the country’s domestic dynamics.

In the past, the Asean chair has called for special meetings to deal with particular crises, such as outbreaks of avian flu and SARS or the aftermath of Japan’s tsunami and nuclear dilemma. These actions normally came about when Asean faced a terrible crisis and wanted to respond collectively and quickly. But even in the absence of immediate threats, Myanmar could work toward enhancing interactions among Asean members in a way that would enable them to contemplate preventive and forward-looking measures.

Doing so would complement the substantive progress on economic and political reforms that have taken place inside Myanmar over the past two years. Democratic reforms and broader public and media participation in debates on national policy have had positive outcomes on Myanmar’s integration with the global community. Increased engagement between the Asean decision makers and civil society groups would raise the status of the new Asean chair.

Myanmar can become the region’s game changer due to the greater interests paid to Asean by major dialogue partners, including the US, China, Japan and India. These powers are wooing individual Asean members to join their spheres of influence. As the chair, Naypyitaw has to make sure that Asean stays united and focused. A divided Asean would weaken the grouping, which is something it cannot afford. Any discord at this juncture would undermine the grouping’s bargaining power in the global arena.

Besides domestic issues with regional implications, issues related to traditional and non-traditional security would also be high on the chair’s agenda. Nuclear non-proliferation is certainly one of them. After long-standing condemnation of its nuclear ambitions and its relations with North Korea over missile technology, Myanmar could come clean and subsequently inform Asean that it will lobby the nuclear powers (the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France and China) to sign the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty during its chairmanship. If Myanmar succeeded in doing this, its legacy as Asean chair would be a long-lasting and positive one.

Kavi Chongkittavorn



Business & Investment Opportunities 

Saigon Business Corporation Pte Ltd (SBC) is incorporated in Singapore since 1994. 

Myanmar - AEC SPECIAL REPORT - MYANMAR: Getting ready for the major league

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Of all the uphill battles Myanmar expects to face in the near future, surely one of the steepest will be meeting expectations to increase its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by the time the Asean Economic Community (AEC) is launched in 2015.

The government is working hard to establish the necessary fundamentals and framework to achieve this goal. As one of the least developed countries in the region, however, Myanmar continues to be plagued by disunity and lack of cooperation between government ministries and public and private sectors.

According to a recent survey, Myanmar possesses the lowest per capita GDP among the10-member Asean bloc, at US$875 (Ks 850,753), while Singapore tops the group at $50,130. Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines are the mid-ranking countries, with GDPs of $9,941, $5,116, $3,563, and $2,341 respectively. Vietnam and Laos, at $1,403 and $1,279 respectively, still score higher for GDP than Cambodia and Myanmar.

Since President Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian administration took office in 2011, the country’s political environment has seen many liberal changes. These changes have prompted Western nations to lift economic sanctions and provide support through financial aid, thus helping Myanmar rebuild as a democratic nation and strengthening its ability to participate in AEC.

However, basic sectors such as health, education, social services and the economy continue to struggle. These and other challenges have raised the question of whether the country is truly ready to join the big club.

Economic reform: a work in progress

Officials from every department and ministry have worked hard to prepare for membership in the regional cooperation. There have been workshops and economic forums and work committees established to address AEC-relevant issues. The Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development has facilitated AEC-type actions such as economic blueprints on such themes as Single Market and Production Base, Free Flow of Goods, Investment Capital, and Skilled Labour.

Last November, the government passed the new, more flexible Foreign Investment Law. In April, it began floating the official currency. A stock exchange is now being implemented and should be running by 2015. Many macro and micro investment laws have been amended. On the ground, missing infrastructure, and energy and water supply deficiencies are being addressed with the help of foreign countries.

China, India, and Southeast Asian countries like Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam are being targeted as key trading partners, with special economic zones (SEZ) and deep-sea ports as part of the strategy.

Aiming to reach Cambodian and Vietnamese borders, Myanmar and Thailand are working closely to develop the Dawei SEZ and Deep Sea Port, which will eventually include a highway system and express railways to encourage trade. The Thilawa SEZ and Sea Port, located in Myanmar’s commercial hub of Yangon, is expected to usher in the country’s dawn of industrialisation. The Kyaukpyu SEZ and Deep Sea Port will be a centre of outsourcing to China and India.

In June, Myanmar hosted the World Economic Forum on East Asia for the first time. The event’s impact was enormously positive, prompting multinational corporations from the US, Europe and Asia to invest in Myanmar.

The public: changing a national mindset

Although it seems that Myanmar is making progress, in real terms very little has been done effectively because of the country’s financial and trade deficit.

“Lack of collaboration is the biggest issue in our country. Every sector has to work together with a good mindset. Collaboration is needed between the government and private sector, between private and public; and between the public and the government,” said Myo Thet, vice president of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chamber of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI).

If the government doesn’t wish to cooperate with the public for the sake of the country’s business, it will still be hard to participate in AEC by 2015, he told Eleven Media.

Economists point out that most of the country’s businesses are still run by cronies while others lack transparency in financial transactions, taxation, and revenues. The most important thing that has to change, they say, is the people’s mindset.

A small percentage of the country’s population believes that AEC is all about free trade. They are unaware of the grouping’s other functions, despite the government’s efforts to raise awareness on AEC. In some ways, AEC awareness is class-based. Naturally, business people are aware of it, but even this knowledge is not in-depth. Most confuse AEC with the Asean Free Trade Agreement.

“People in towns and cities apart from Yangon have less awareness about the Asean community. Many local business people are afraid of AEC. They assume it will threaten them, as multinational corporations will enter our country with better quality goods and more reasonable prices,” said Kyaw Lin Oo, coordinator of the Myanmar People’s Forum.

As one high government official told Eleven Media: “Actually, we are not ready for the AEC; we are just pretending to be ready. The percentage of people participating [in awareness forums], including both public and private sectors, is very low.”

Boosting skills training and technological know-how

Economic analyst Geoffrey Hoffman said Myanmar should be more successful, given its rich natural resources, but mismanagement has driven the country into poverty.

“Centralisation and monopolising of the country’s businesses are other factors,” he said, adding that the country needs to boost capacity building, human resources development, skills training, and education. On the other hand, he says, Myanmar could increase its technological know-how through joint ventures with foreign entrepreneurs. For instance, adopting the BOT system (Build-Operate-Transfer) would be very useful for a country like Myanmar.

“We will get technology assistance and skills. That’s crucial for us. If we barred those foreign investments due to fear of their influence in our market, then the market wouldn’t be taken seriously in the long run,” said Than Htut, deputy director general in the Foreign Economic Relations department of the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development.

The new foreign investment law is said to be liberal for foreign trade, permitting a fair percentage of joint ventures depending on the nature of the business. It relaxes taxation and allows other incentives for foreign investment. Local economists and officials say the law is a win-win for both locals and foreigners.

International investors prefer doing business in countries with strong intellectual property rights (IPR) laws. Myanmar and other countries with “least developed” status recently received an extension from the World Trade Organisation on international standard requirements for Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). The deadline was extended to June 2021 from July 1 this year, according to the Myanmar Times.

Trade volumes: becoming a global player   
 
During the 2012-13 fiscal year, total trade volume for Myanmar was $18.42 billion. Of that figure, the import volume was $9.34 billion and export accounted for $9.08 billion. This year, Myanmar has so far earned $5.68 billion from exports, up from $4.69 billion during the same period last year. Strong agricultural and industrial exports are among the key factors behind the surge.

During the first half of this fiscal year, the country earned more than $2 billion from exporting industrial products, $1 billion from agricultural goods, $1 billion from mineral exports, $360 million from timber and wood products, $270 million from marine products and $5 million from animal products.

Currently, Myanmar is drafting a national strategy to boost exports and build its competitive advantage.

“The national export strategy should comply with our national all-round plan. This is an important step towards the mainstreaming of trade and the country’s national development plans,” said Deputy Minister for Commerce Pwint San.

The new government strategy prioritises export goods such as rice, beans, marine and wood products. Tourism, too, has been mentioned as a prioritised service, and rubber cultivation is seen as having good prospects. The country currently relies on a few key export products, such as rubber, beans and grains.

While the strategy aims to develop priority sectors, it will also explore the growth potential for new and existing products. These steps are in line with the government’s objective of supporting traditional export sectors, such as agriculture, while promoting export diversification.
The strategy also aims at improving small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), providing them access to finance, trade information, export facilitation and logistics.

As a developing country, Myanmar’s national economy depends heavily on its export earnings.

“We can achieve greater export earnings and also greater employment opportunities if we can export value-added products. We need to find new export markets. But in order to achieve this goal, we need to become more competitive,” said Win Aung, president of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI).

Tourism promotion—preparing for the deluge

Implementation of AEC will undoubtedly provide a boost for Myanmar’s tourism industry.  An agreement between regional partners to provide free entry visas is sure to draw more tourists. Even the government’s changing policies in the past two years have contributed to the increase in tourist arrivals.

“Myanmar is now working to relax more of its visa regulations for tourists. The Asean free visa system will be implemented by the end of this year,” Tourism Minister Htay Aung noted.

Myanmar has recently signed an agreement with most of the region’s countries, including Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Thailand, to provide free entry visas in order to boost tourism development.
As a new source of wealth, tourism is seen as a critical sector for poverty reduction and job creation in Myanmar. During June’s World Economic Forum on East Asia held in Naypyidaw, the government announced its first master plan to promote sustainable tourism.

Whatever Myanmar’s charms as an unblemished “final frontier” for tourism, changes seem inevitable with the growing numbers. The government projects 7.5 million tourist arrivals per year by 2020. According to a tourism ministry report, last year’s tourist arrivals stood at 1 million for the first time, and tourism revenue accounted for $700 million.

“Last year, about 1.06 million foreign tourists visited the country. The number of tourists visiting the country in the first eight months of this year passed the one million mark—an increase of 58 per cent. The country expected 1.8 million to 2 million tourists to visit this year,” Vice President Sai Mauk Kham told the media on World Tourism Day on September 27.

Ready or not, here comes AEC

It doesn’t matter whether Asean countries are ready or not: AEC will be introduced in 2015.

“Myanmar is getting ready for this opportunity because the country has been left behind for half a century,” an official from the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development said, adding that the economic community will have a major impact on every sector and will boost Myanmar's development.

Myo Thet, vice president of the UMFCCI, says Myanmar is preparing for a 360-degree turn once AEC is launched.

“We are taking two chairmanships concerning the AEC: the Asean Business Advisory Council and the East Asia Business Council. The former will be chaired by UMFCCI president Win Aung,” he said.

Myo Thet said Myanmar has scheduled to convene many Asean summits, forums and meetings since the Asean chairmanship was transferred last month.

Being part of AEC will create much needed opportunities for investors and employees alike. Myanmar is a country that has badly suffered from “brain drain”, with her nationals scattering to many countries in Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia. Some live abroad to further their studies, while others have left—legally or illegally—in search of better employment opportunities.

Advocates of the grouping say AEC hopes to create an atmosphere in where all employees will get equal opportunities with standard wages and no discrimination. It also expects to terminate the cross-border scourge of human trafficking.

Nyeinchan Win and Thet Mon Htun


Asia News Network

Business & Investment Opportunities 

Saigon Business Corporation Pte Ltd (SBC) is incorporated in Singapore since 1994.