Buddhist monks have been at the forefront of
demonstrations at Freedom Park in Phnom Penh this week. But activism by the
clergy is not a new phenomenon in Cambodia or across the region
In
demonstrations at Freedom Park in central Phnom Penh this week, Buddhist monks
have been ever present.
They have been at the forefront of calls to remove the barbed-wire barriers and open the area again to freedom of expression and opposition to the government.
They have been at the forefront of calls to remove the barbed-wire barriers and open the area again to freedom of expression and opposition to the government.
Buddhist monks joined
the anti-government demonstrations in Bangkok earlier this year before the
military coup.
They
have also taken a leading role in a number of protests in the past year, from
supporting workers’ strikes for more pay in the garment and service sectors to
backing residents and institutions displaced by land grabs.
“We
don’t want the regime to control the people. We want the people to control the
regime,” said But Buntenh, founder of the Independent Monk Network for Social
Justice, a group at the forefront of anti-government protests. “Whoever are the
justice lovers, we will side with them.”
Activism
in saffron robes is not a new phenomenon. Monks were also at the forefront of
the nationalist and independence movements, their form of non-violent protest
demanding particular respect.
Nor is
it solely a Cambodian phenomenon. Across the region, especially in Myanmar and
Thailand, Buddhist activists are taking on an increasing breadth of issues,
including ultra-nationalist and pro-government ones. As the political
landscapes become more diverse and fractured, so too do their causes and
positions.
The
traditional role of providing moral counsel lends them a measure of credibility
and some protection against reprisals.
But Buntenh, leader
of the Independent Monk Network for Social Justice.
In
Myanmar, U Wirathu, a monk who has referred to himself as the “Buddhist Bin
Laden”, is a focal point for anti-Muslim rhetoric and rumours – via his
Facebook page and in his speeches – some of which have led to riots. He is a
leader of a Buddhist nationalist movement called 969, and has been photographed
receiving alms from leaders of the majority Union Solidarity and Development
Party (USDP).
Many
analysts believe the uprisings could involve a measure of state sanction,
orchestrated distractions from democratic failures and a way for the USDP to
consolidate its hold before next year’s elections. When they come around, Aung
San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) is expected to make gains.
Yet U
Wirathu’s hyper-nationalist rhetoric is a far cry from that of the thousands of
maroon-robed activists in the uprisings of 1988 and 2007, who risked arrest and
brutal reprisals for their anti-government stance.
As
political repression eased in Myanmar, the focus switched to finding ethnic
scapegoats for society’s ills, and a blurring of distinctions among sangha,
state and society.
In
Thailand, monks participated in the 2005-2008 anti-government protests by the
People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), the “yellow shirts”, against former
prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Others, fewer in number, supported the 2010
protests by the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD), the “red
shirts”, who were opposed to the government of Abhisit Vejjajiva, also featured
monks in their ranks.
Monks protest in the
heart of Phnom Penh.
In the
pre-coup protests by the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC), one of
the rally sites was commanded by Luang Pu Buddha Issara, 56, abbot of Wat Or
Noi in Nakhon Pathom province.
Buddha
Issara refused to answer to the protest movement’s hierarchy and took law
enforcement into his own hands. He was seen interrogating undercover police
that were dragged before him after being beaten by his “guards” – probably
paramilitary mercenaries.
Thailand’s
National Office of Buddhism, which regulates the behaviour of monks, is almost
powerless to rein in such mavericks. But it concluded that Buddha Issara had
breached the discipline of the Sangha Supreme Council for encouraging people to
break the law and obstruct voting booths.
Buddha
Issara is also the subject of a complaint by the Buddhist Association of
Thailand, a non-government organisation (NGO), according to the Bangkok Post.
“Monks
can have personal feelings but political expression is banned by sangha
regulations,” said the association’s secretary Sathien Wipornmaha. He said
Buddha Issara’s involvement in anti-government protests “destroys the image of
Buddhism”.
Leader
of the PDRC, Suthep Thaugsuban, in a surprise move entered the monkhood this
week at Wat Thasai in Surat Thani.
Monks protest in the
heart of Phnom Penh.
Since
the military takeover, his political role has been marginalised and he has been
caught in a series of gaffes, such as his claim that the coup had been in the
works for a year. Ordaining may be a way for him to regain some moral
authority.
One
monk with a good reputation among human rights activists is Phra Paisal Visalo,
a former student activist who now often speaks about social justice.
In
Cambodia, monk activists provide a necessary buffer on a number of social
justice issues such as workers’ rights and land claims.
When
residents were forcibly evicted to make room for construction developments at
Boeung Kak and Boray Keila, monks were at the forefront of resistance.
As
NagaWorld casino expansions threaten to engulf the Buddhist Institute, some of
the few brave enough to resist the plans are openly activist monks led by But
Buntenh’s network.
Being
monks gives them a measure of protection against reprisals that student
activists and other laypeople might not have.
Monks in Myanmar take
part in an anti-Islamic march.
“Most
people believe in monks, even the prime minister and the king,” said Buntenh,
37. “And if the police want to arrest us, according to the rules, they have to
get permission from the Supreme Patriarch. If the Patriarch finds the monk
guilty, he must disrobe first. Otherwise they can’t arrest him.”
He
admitted that the Cambodian government might not always respect those rules. In
January this year, three monks from his organisation were badly beaten by
police at a demonstration at the Phnom Penh Special Economic Zone, one of who
suffered permanent brain damage. “We are not fighting against Hun Sen,” said
Buntenh.
Monks
present at the demonstrations this week rushed to stop attacks against security
forces and protected them from further injury. “We are fighting against the
regime because since 2013 this has been a huge problem in the country. We will
monitor any government and support social justice. At the moment there is no
justice,” said Buntenh.
One of
their locations was raided by police this week, but they had already moved to a
different temple. A soundproofed and windowless room at the top of an unmarked
monastic building serves as their headquarters. The two computers, printers and
mobile phones were donated by local NGOs, he said.
The
Independent Monk Network for Social Justice, active since August 28 last year,
is social media-savvy and expanding, with three new chapters in Battambang.
The 20
or so core members are supplemented by dozens, at times hundreds, of monks from
around the country. They are difficult to locate and impossible to intimidate.
In
Cambodia, where the consequences of dissent can be severe, they are often the
only ones who can side with the poor and marginalised in the face of political
and corporate might.
“We
work for justice,” Buntenh said. “And we are not afraid.”
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