Filipino foreign policy observer Jamil Maidan
Flores says, 'It is in Indonesia that we will learn a lot about how democracy
works and how democracy fails'
JAKARTA,
Indonesia – “The laboratory for democracy is here.”
From
countries with maritime disputes with China like the Philippines, democracies
in transition like Myanmar, to the Arab world’s Egypt, there is much the world
can learn from Indonesia.
The
world’s largest Muslim-majority nation and third biggest democracy will choose
a new president in an election like no other. In what is called Indonesia’s
most important polls since 1955, Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and
Suharto-era general Prabowo Subianto compete in a race still too close to call.
(READ: Indonesia's presidential election: a primer)
Whether
Indonesians elect their first non-elite leader since the fall of Suharto’s
32-year kleptocracy or pick the late dictator’s former son-in-law, the
repercussions will be felt far beyond the archipelago’s 17,000 islands.
Why
should the rest of the world pay attention? What do neighboring countries like
the Philippines stand to gain from this exercise? Why care about Indonesia?
Rappler
talks to Jakarta Globe columnist and foreign policy observer Jamil Maidan
Flores to help put this election in perspective. A Filipino speechwriter for
the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 1992, Flores breaks down the
politics and economics for the region and beyond.
To him,
it is easy to sum up the significance of Indonesia. “It’s here that we will
learn a lot about how democracy works and how democracy fails.”
Here is
Rappler's interview with Flores, who stressed that his views are his own:
Why are the Indonesian elections important
for the Philippines and Southeast Asia?
Indonesia
is about 40% of ASEAN in terms of the economy and in terms of the size of the
population. That’s almost already one half, and if Indonesia does not take an
active role in the work of ASEAN, then the quality of work of ASEAN – which is
already not satisfactory to many people – will become even less satisfactory.
Indonesia
has the confidence to be an activist for democracy, for the promotion of human
rights, good governance, and political security cooperation, especially on the
matter of the South China Sea in which 4 of the ASEAN members have overlapping
claims among themselves and with China. (Editor’s Note: These 4 countries are
the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei.)
The
thing that drives Indonesia or that gives Indonesia the confidence to be an
activist in regional, political, security matters is its economy. If its
economy falters, then it cannot be as confident. This happened in 1997, 1998,
when the Asian [financial] crisis struck. During those years, it neglected its
foreign policy and concentrated on its recovery.
When it
comes to political, security cooperation, the main initiative of Indonesia is
the so-called Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation. If you have a
treaty to which everyone is legally bound not to declare war on any other
participant, then peace consolidates more strongly on this part of the world.
If
Indonesia stops working for this, a lot of our international observers say,
without such a superstructure, there will be no Pacific century because Europe
has its own structure. Africa has its own structure. The Americas, they have
their own structure for cooperation and settlement of disputes. But we have
none in Asia and this would be the first.
MANUAL POLLS. In
Indonesia, elections are still done manually, with voters punching a hole in
the ballot to indicate the ticket they want to vote into office.
The Philippines and Indonesia are young
Southeast Asian democracies. How would you compare politics in the two
countries?
I find
it ironic that President Aquino has been appealing to the people not to elect
show business people into office, but the reality is here in Indonesia as well
as in the Philippines and the US and most other countries, if you’re not in
show business, you’re not in politics. That’s why here they call election time
pesta demokrasi. It’s a feast of democracy because a lot of it, it’s like a
carnival.
I think
in the discussions of the candidates, there’s not much said about foreign
policy. I don’t see it very much discussed. Even in the Philippines or here,
the discussion on foreign policy is almost zero.
But
there are important differences. One very obvious difference is that there are
no political killings going on in Indonesia even when it is the local election.
I know of only one fatality and that is a person who fell from an overloaded
campaign bus.
I was
talking to the former ambassador to the Philippines and he said what he admired
about the elections in the Philippines is the fact that it is already
automated. Here it’s not yet automated, you have to physically perforate the
ballot in order to vote, and it will take weeks for the counting to be
completed. However, they try to make it up by a good quick count and the quick
count is always accurate.
REGULAR JOE. This is
the image of grassroots leader Jakarta Governor Joko
Analysts say Indonesian politics is more
about personalities than parties and platforms. Is that true for this election?
This is
not a contest of issues because many international observers say that the
positions of the two candidates are not really that far apart from each other.
This is actually a contest between two different kinds of personality.
One is
the humble, approachable guy with the common touch and the guy you would like
to be your companion, versus the guy who is strong-willed and he promises to be
a strong leader and he will get things done and he knows what he’s doing, so
the Indonesians have a choice between these two.
What impact will a new Indonesian leadership
have on the Philippines’ maritime dispute with China on the South China Sea?
It all
depends on how determined the new Indonesian administration is when it comes to
the matter of continuity, how strongly they want continuity in their foreign
policy. They can choose to pay lip service to what has been done before, but I
believe that they cannot afford the loss of prestige that will be the
consequence of being less activist than they are now. I think they will want
continuity when it comes to that. (READ: Indonesian presidential candidates
differ on South China Sea)
I think
it is no longer the moral burden of Indonesia for the inadequacy of the
responses to the behavior of China in the South China Sea because I think
Indonesia is doing its best. It’s getting some support from Vietnam and the
Philippines, but from the rest of the ASEAN, it’s not getting the support that
it deserves.
China
insists it has no dispute with Indonesia even when there is a potential one
because the Exclusive Economic Zone of Indonesia around the Natuna Islands,
there is an overlap with the 9-dash line. China claims that there is no dispute
with Indonesia, and Indonesia is satisfied that China maintains there is no
dispute.
FOREIGN POLICY?
Flores says the pronouncements of candidates like Prabowo Subianto are not
indicative of the actual foreign policy they will adopt if voted into office.
File photo by Romeo Gacad/AFP
You talk about Indonesia taking an activist
role in foreign policy. What exactly does its 'free and active' foreign policy
mean?
It
means an active foreign policy that is in accordance with the principle laid
down by the founding father, Mohammad Hatta, that Indonesia’s foreign policy
must be free and active so it goes along with the constitutional mandate to
contribute to social justice and peace in the world. It must be consistent.
Sometimes,
the national interest is not direct. The national interest is in the country’s
contribution to international justice and peace because the philosophy is that
in a better world, Indonesia will flourish. Therefore, Indonesia must try its
best to help create a positive, constructive environment.
Why
should the rest of the world care about this election?
Because
the laboratory for democracy is here. If we have a successful experiment in
democracy, then it is something for the whole world to see. It is something
that will help other countries.
In
fact, there is an active process going on between Egypt and Indonesia, between
Tunis and Algiers and Indonesia. Indonesia is very much involved in the Arab
Spring by offering its own experience in democratization for discussion and
gaining insights. There has been some positive response, but of course you
cannot transfer the ideas of Indonesia literally from here to the Middle East
because of cultural differences.
For
instance, the Egyptians cannot understand why the Indonesians did not imprison
president Suharto while they immediately put into prison Hosni Mubarak, but
there is a dialogue on those things between Indonesia and Egypt and that’s a
good dialogue.
It’s
not only the Middle East. It’s also ASEAN. Myanmar is looking at Indonesia and
finding out how Indonesia has managed the transition of its military to a
purely civilian role. So I will say that the laboratory for democracy is here,
and it’s here that we will learn a lot about how democracy works and how
democracy fails.
ACTIVIST, MEDIATOR.
Flores says it will be crucial to see if the next Indonesian leadership will
continue the country's activist role in ASEAN and beyond. File photo by Ritchie
Tongo/EPA
What then is the test for Indonesian
democracy?
The test
will be on the actual policies because you can’t depend on what they do in the
campaign. You can only depend on what they will do and the persons they gather
in the Cabinet, if they get a good foreign minister and there are many
excellent, outstanding career diplomats for them to choose from.
The
test is if they continue with the activist foreign policy and they remain
committed to the trajectory of the cooperation they have now with the
Philippines, Malaysia, and even Singapore. Indonesia is reaching out.
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Saigon Business Corporation Pte Ltd (SBC) is incorporated
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