Kuala
Lumpur (The Star/ANN) - History is written by the victors. Losers rarely get
much coverage let alone a mention.
In Malaysia, unlike in Indonesia, the forces
of political conservatism ultimately won power from our former colonial
masters.
As such, the "left" - as PAS deputy
president Mat Sabu discovered - has been forgotten, if not vilified outright.
However, interpretations of history change
from decade to decade. Indeed, there is no one "history".
Instead, there are many and generally, it's
the powerful that get to determine whose version of events should dominate.
What happens though when a once all-powerful
nation begins to falter? How does it write or rewrite its history?
Such a shift can be seen in the recent
explosion of writing on the supposed decline of Western - particularly American
- power.
Historian Niall Ferguson has charted the
process in Civilisation: The West and the Rest. Ferguson argues that the
"West" (particularly Britain and America) was able to surpass others
(such as the Chinese and Ottoman Empires) due to six "killer
applications": competition, science, property rights, medicine, the
consumer society and work ethic.
Ferguson argues that the West perfected all
six simultaneously, whereas "the Rest" developed only a handful or
else let their comparative advantages in these fields stagnate.
His main thrust, however, is that the West's
current weakness stems from a loss of faith in its own civilizational values.
In short, the West has failed to renew its commitment to its "killer
apps".
The West, therefore, ought to "recognise
the superiority" of its own civilisation because it offers societies
"the best available set of economic, social and political
institutions".
One may of course disagree with Ferguson's
thesis but his arguments are compelling.
His contention that the Islamic world declined
because it closed its minds and borders is certainly persuasive, if unoriginal.
At the same time, Ferguson's tome is a clear
sign that there's a growing trend amongst writers discussing (if not agonising)
over the West's "decline".
These worries are further fuelled by the
ongoing global financial crisis and political paralysis that's slowly
undermining both the European Union and the United States.
Indeed, the latest issue of the literary
journal New Yorker includes a superb essay by Adam Gopnick, which claims that
"declinism" has now morphed into a veritable literary genre - a pet
topic for academics and pundits alike.
But is this really something new?
"Cassandras" (named after the Trojan princess who foresaw her own
city's destruction at the hands of the Greeks) - the harbingers of doom and
decline - have long been with us, even in times of great prosperity.
Indeed, according to Gopnick, the phrase
"decline of the West" was used as early as 1918 by the German
historian Oswald Spengler.
Nor were such fears of decay exclusively
Western: writers and historians such as Ibn Khaldun, Tun Sri Lanang and Sima
Qian have dwelt on similar themes as they charted the rise and fall of
civilisations.
Moreover, the mere fact that these books are
available across the globe suggests the depth and breadth of such concerns.
At the same time they also reveal a passionate
commitment to the idea of renewal and reform. Ferguson is clearly a believer in
the West's capacity to re-invent and re-energise itself.
For us in Malaysia, these books - and there
are countless others in airport bookshops - reinforce the sense of a world
shifting on its axis, of a power alignment that prioritises China and India
over Europe and the United States.
We are faced with the challenge of adapting to
these newly (re-)emerging powers whilst not forgetting the strengths (or
"killer apps") that made the Western nations great such as the
emancipation of women, democracy and religious tolerance.
And it is in this realm that we need writers
and historians such as Ferguson and Gopnik - figures who'll both commend and
condemn with equal weight, stepping aside from mere politics.
The new geo-political landscape will demand
prodigious powers of concentration and leadership. Mere rhetoric will be
useless.
Malay ultras and/or an obsession with
bangsawan politics won't help us in coping with either China and/or India.
History requires candour and honesty. It also
demands a degree of openness.
We need to be willing to accept the idea that
there are many versions of the truth.
Our narrow-minded views on history hamper us
as we chart our way forward.
You need to know yourself in order to plan for
the future. Self-knowledge is critical.
I would argue that it's only when we as
Malaysians can start to engage about our collective history with the same
vigour and honesty as our counterparts in the West then we'll be ready to deal
with the challenges outlined by these writers.
History - our many histories, Malay, Chinese,
Indian, Dayak and so forth - requires objectivity and honesty. If we can't deal
with the past, how can we face the future?
Karim Raslan in Kuala Lumpur/The Star | ANN
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