Asian
nations relying on migrant workers must develop policies that respect human
rights
East Asia’s economic growth has brought in its
train large-scale migration of temporary workers from poorer to richer states.
The policies directed towards such migrants
have varied from state to state, and these discrepancies have now been
highlighted by a recent controversy in Hong Kong – the request by a handful of
foreign domestic helpers to be granted permanent residence in Hong Kong.
Whatever the outcome of their lawsuit, the request by the work-visa holders for
permanent residence could have region-wide implications.
The positive aspects of temporary migration in
Asia are well enough known: For the supplying countries, migrants relieve
unemployment and provide a remittance stream of foreign exchange which supports
consumption. For the receiving countries, such policies provide low-paid
workers who do undesirable jobs, enable middle-class wives to work, and hold
down manufacturing costs, helping industries remain internationally competitive
– all without burdening state education and health budgets. Negatives include
the breakup of families in the supplying countries and the creation of a
dependency culture among remittance receivers.
There are negative economic and ethical
implications for the recipient countries as well. In Hong Kong’s case, there
are some 250,000 such temporary workers, mostly from the Philippines and
Indonesia, and they constitute 7 percent of the working population. Singapore
is even more reliant on this group for construction, manufacturing as well as
domestic employment. Work permit holders, mostly those with low skills, are
about 29 percent of the working population. Maids alone number about 200,000,
or one for every five households. Indonesia is the largest source followed by
Philippines and Sri Lanka.
Maids in Singapore are excluded from various
protections under the Employment Act with no compulsory rest days, maximum
working hours, minimum wage or termination notice, and they have no right to
legal aid. Some employers use closed-circuit cameras to monitor their maids. Although
violent abuse is vigorously prosecuted when reported, authorities suspect much
goes unreported. Last year 2,530 Indonesian maids fled their employers and
sought embassy refuge. A suggestion by a government minister that they be given
a compulsory rest day was met with a howl of protest in the media. Pay averages
about US$3,500 a year – at least according to a case brought by the government
against maid agencies for wage fixing. Per capita GDP in Singapore is the
equivalent of US$43,000.
Nor is the large-scale temporary migrant
phenomenon confined to the highly developed, rich city-states. In Malaysia
there are about 1.9 million legal temporary migrants and perhaps another 1
million or more “undocumented workers,” the euphemism for illegal ones. Bangladesh,
as well as Indonesia and the Philippines, is a major source for Malaysian
plantations, construction sites, restaurants and households. Cases of abuse are
frequent with the undocumented workers particularly vulnerable. Thailand relies
heavily on Burmese and Cambodians for dirty and dangerous work. As of 2009
there were 1.29 million registered workers, but the actual total could be
double that. Of the registered ones, 129,000 were domestic helpers. Migrants
have replaced Thais as domestic helpers in many middle-class Bangkok
households. Taiwan and Japan have much less reliance on temporary foreign
labor; Taiwan employs some 90,000 from the Philippines, mostly in domestic
work, but the 350,000 Filipinos in Japan are mostly in entertainment-related
industries.
Singapore comes nearest to having a coherent
policy for non-temporary migration, mainly focused on skilled and semi-skilled
candidates for permanent residence. Despite a history of using wage rises and a
strong currency to boost productivity, the city-state has become increasingly
reliant on temporary workers. The Philippines tries hardest to offer protection
and bans workers from going to some countries. But many recipient countries are
reluctant to prosecute abuses.
Hong Kong's permanent immigration is dominated
by a long-established quota from the mainland of about 50,000 a year, mostly
unskilled mainlanders. The program is administered by the mainland, and Hong
Kong’s role is limited to issuing work permits and permanent residence rights
to foreigners and renewable two-year contracts for domestic helpers. Malaysia
and Thailand have policies on temporary migration, but enforcement is largely
ineffective, exposing workers, legal or not, to widespread abuse. Some
temporary migrants, mostly Indonesians in Peninsula Malaysia and from the
Muslim Filipinos in east Malaysia, have in time become permanent residents.
Implications of this foreign-labor influx are
no minor matter. Everywhere these pools of cheap, expendable workers, mostly
without families, boost both the per capita gross domestic product of permanent
residents. However, ready access to temporary migrants depresses wages for
unskilled local workers. As it is now, migrant laborers in Hong Kong do
domestic work while locals sweep the streets or are unemployed. Access to cheap
domestic help also provides standard-of-living benefits for those who can
afford it. Thus, policies allowing temporary workers widen income gaps that
even governments admit are a social concern. Hong Kong has the worst income
distribution in the developed world, Singapore is not far behind, and
inequality in Malaysia and Thailand is approaching Latin American levels.
Access to live-in maids, as evidence from Hong Kong and Singapore shows, does
little to raise low fertility rates of the more educated classes.
In the case of Malaysia and Thailand,
low-cost, expendable foreign labor is a disincentive to investment in
productivity, contributing to the nations getting stuck in the low- growth
“middle income trap.” As for Indonesia, Philippines, Bangladesh and other
supply nations, their provision of cheap labor to neighbors cannot be
beneficial if it inhibits the development of their own export industries and
regional trade.
Cheap temporary labor, lacking in rights, can
have an eroding effect on social ethics in recipient countries. Even in Hong
Kong, an administration with a poor record on matters of discrimination, fails
to vigorously enforce laws on minimum wage or work conditions. The domestic
helpers are relatively fortunate in having access to the courts, but still face
anti-migrant invectives. In Singapore, helpers are largely reliant on the
goodwill of employers for days off and freedom of movement. In Malaysia, horror
stories of mistreatment of maids are frequently reported – and far more often
doubtless go unreported.
Demographic changes in East Asia suggest that
labor mobility will continue to grow. That makes it imperative that states have
coherent, non-racial policies for temporary and permanent migrants which reflect
overall economic benefit and the capacity of societies to absorb newcomers.
Policies can only be reached and accepted by the public if there are open
discussions based on facts and on the recognition that there are human-rights
obligations to temporary migrants. Governments that fail to provide all
residents with equal legal rights and protections from abuse or surrender to
crude anti-migrant scare-mongering are eroding their own social bonds and
respect for the law. This cannot be good for stability, which has underwritten
the region’s remarkable progress.
Philip Bowring
Asia Sentinel
(Philip Bowring is a former editor of the Far
Eastern Economic Review and one of the founders of Asia Sentinel. This
originally appeared in YaleGlobal, the magazine of the Yale University Center for
the Study of Globalization.)
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