Jakarta (The Jakarta Post/ANN)- The
condition of being culturally diverse is neither uniquely modern nor Western,
but as an approach, multiculturalism is quite a modern concept (born in
mid-20th century).
In Southeast Asia, multiculturalism has become
constructed and contested in state and society.
Some refer to the pre-colonial time when
cities were a pluralistic melting point of peoples from all over Southeast
Asia, depicting the archipelago as one of the crossroads of world
civilizations. During the colonial time, British scholar, J.S. Furnivall used
"plural societies" to describe Southeast Asian societies, "two
or more elements or social orders which live side by side, yet without
mingling, in one political unit".
The colonial policies of assimilation,
segregation, transmigration, ethnic categorization, adat-recht (customary law)
codification, politics of Islam and regulations have impacted on post-colonial
multiculturalism. But networks of Islamic reformism, Hinduization, Buddhist
Mahayani and later Theravada propagation, Christianization, Chinese migration
and assimilation and other processes have shaped the way in which
multiculturalism has taken different forms.
Some of the post-colonial legacies include the
category of pribumi (indigenous) and non-pribumi (particularly, Chinese
peranakan and totok). The indigenous peoples became masyarakat adat (cultural
society), and their religions became "kepercayaan" (belief).
Organizational plurality (Sarekat Islam, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah and so
forth) emerged in response to global Islam (including Wahhabism), but also to
colonial politics and domestic conditions in Muslim societies.
Throughout the Old Order and the New Order,
ideological and cultural rivalries developed. Pancasila, Bhineka Tunggal Ika
(unity in diversity), the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and the
1945 Constitution have become ties that bind Indonesian citizens across the
multicultural spectrum. In terms of language, the use of the Indonesian
national language and ethnic languages take turns in terms of priority and
usage among some 300 ethnic groups.
In contemporary times, ethno-religious
conflicts, religious radicalism and extremism, gender discrimination,
globalized theories of clash of civilizations and Westernized assumptions of
multiculturalism have become factors for thinking of multiculturalism as a
problem, an approach or a solution. In Indonesia, the Free Aceh Movement and
its colonial and New Order histories, made Aceh an autonomous region, along
with its aspiration for the implementation of Islamic law of its own.
At the same time, regional autonomy gives rise
to Islamic bylaws supported by few Islamist parties and secular politicians
wanting people's votes. The problem of Ahmadiyah didn't exist until there was
an Islamic revival involving the established ulema council (MUI) who sought to
maintain orthodoxy in response to both internal and external threats, along
with secularism, pluralism and liberalism.
The notion of heresy became popularized. The
status of lesbians and homosexuals has become controversial too.
Multiculturalism became an approach to address attitudes and policies deemed
intolerant, discriminatory and unjust to the "marginalized".
In Malaysia, multiculturalism as an approach
and policy is also shaped by pre-colonial and colonial experiences. Ethnicity
and religions are mixed (a Malay is one who professes Islam and behaves like a
Malay). Islam is the state's religion while ambiguously allowing religious
freedom.
Political parties were constructed along
ethnic lines. In response to the Malay-Chinese riots of 1969, The National
Front conducted affirmative action through NEP (National Economic Plan) to
equalize "backward Malays" so that they could catch up with the Chinese
and other educated classes. Malays enjoy constitutional advantages over
non-Malay citizens.
At the same time, Islam remains revivalist,
but the UMNO seeks to modernize its character (as in Islam Hadhari). Now the
government is promoting OneMalaysia, but tensions remain between ethnicity,
religion and citizenship. Progressive movements, such as Sisters in Islam,
attempt to be critical of both UMNO and PAS Islamization projects. Others are
critical of multiculturalism in the state. In Malaysia, multiculturalism is
almost always framed along ethnic lines, with class, gender and religion
sometimes present to complicate things.
In Singapore, multiculturalism is defined and
promoted in the city-state through a decidedly secular constitution, although
religious and communal factors have become increasingly realized by the
predominantly Chinese ruling party. Languages (Malay, Chinese, Tamil, English)
constitute the primary marker of multicultural policy. The state's housing
policy aims to mix all ethnic groups, but all these are brought into a wider
"national, Singaporean culture". The question "Chinese
First" or "Singaporean First" comes to the fore.
The People Action's Party (PAP)'s ruling
prefers "ideological consensus" to boost economic pragmatism, through
such policies as "the Religious Harmony Act" (1990), forbidding the
use of religion for political ends with penalties for "extremism",
and later through the promotion of basic "Religious Knowledge" (RK)
allowing citizens to choose (from seven religions).
These religious policies had the goal of
creating interracial harmony. In later developments, realizing the unintended
consequences of religious differences in the public sphere, the National
Ideology Committee created "shared values": nation above society, society
above self.
Some argue that the shared values are
Asian/Eastern values, in opposition to Western values, although such values
remain capitalistic. The question remains a tension between individualism and
communalism, between West and East, and between multiculturalism and national
cohesion.
Thus, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore are
highly diverse nations, ethnically, linguistically, religiously, culturally,
socially, and politically, but they are diverse in different ways and cope with
diversity in different ways.
Multiculturalism is a new way of understanding
culture. Culture is not static, so multiculturalism should not imply those
diverse cultures are fixed. "Multiculturalism", as William Connoly
states, "embodies within itself a quarrel between the national protection
of diverse cultural minorities in the same territory and the pluralization of
multiple possibilities of being within and across states."
There is tension between multiculturalism and
universal humanism, between what Charles Taylor calls "Politics of
Recognition", emphasizing the unique identity of an individual or a group
(against assimilation), and "Politics of Universalism", emphasizing
the equal dignity of all citizens (no first-class no second-class citizens).
Does the belief that all human beings have
dignity necessarily mean that particular cultural identities are suppressed or
negated? Can people reconcile between shared values and particular values?
Empirical studies could be important to assess
if multicultural discourses and practices are based on solid social premises,
not faulty ones. Does support for ethnic diversity foster individual well-being
and inter-ethnic cohesion or does it foster tension and conflict? Is
multiculturalism understood as the imposition of some cultures on others? Can
different peoples have a shared goal of multiculturalism? Is it for the sake of
recognition of the diverse values and expressions for their own sake or for the
enhancement of the quality of life and learning among all? Does multiculturalism
reinforce racial superiority, religious supremacy, and ethno-triumphalism?
Strategies, structural and cultural, can be
formulated in each country and they could learn from each other to see the best
practices of multiculturalism, considering both commonalities and differences.
Multiculturalism operates in both private and public spheres (family, the
state, civil society, including NGOs, media and learning institutions).
Multiculturalism concerns how the self relates
to others, real or imagined. As an approach, multiculturalism implies
willingness to accept possible ways of being and becoming, regardless of
ethnicity, race, sexuality, gender and religion, in efforts at creating
respectful and critical societies.
Muhamad Ali in Jakarta/The Jakarta Post | ANN
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