Setting
the stage for stronger future engagement, United States Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton announced a set of concessions to Myanmar's government aimed at
rewarding the regime's recent reform signals.
The announcement came during Clinton's
symbolic three-day visit to the country, a trip Myanmar President Thein Sein
described as "historic".
Clinton arrived in Myanmar's capital,
Naypyidaw, to a low-key welcome. The last time an American secretary of state
traveled to Myanmar, then known as Burma, was when John Foster Dulles visited
in 1955. Clinton's stated purpose for the visit was to "look to determine
for myself and on behalf of our government what is the intention of the current
government with respect to continuing reforms, both political and economic."
Many analysts, however, believe the visit was
as much about counter-balancing China as about democracy and human rights.
Clinton held meetings with Thein Sein, Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin,
speakers of the upper and lower houses of parliament and other officials on
Thursday. Clinton and her aides later told the press that the issues raised
included the freeing of political prisoners, military-sponsored human rights
violations in ethnic areas, and a call on the government to sever "illicit
ties" to North Korea.
Washington has grown concerned over Myanmar's
apparent close ties with North Korea, especially programs for the development
of ballistic missiles and alleged nuclear weapons development. To this end, the
US has been pressing Myanmar to allow more thorough inspections of suspect
sites by the International Atomic Energy Agency.
However, there has been no sign that the Thein
Sein's civilianized, military-backed government has discontinued its programs.
US officials have said they are doubtful of any serious nuclear program but are
concerned about a transfer of ballistic missile technology. Closer relations
between Naypyidaw and Washington would remove one of the likely reasons for the
acquisition of such weapons - a phobia among military commanders of an American
invasion of the country.
Thein Sein reportedly gave Clinton a detailed
briefing on further reform plans, most of which would appear to address
Washington's concerns. He reportedly spoke about plans for the gradual release
of political prisoners, political reform, establishing ceasefires with ethnic
minority insurgents, increased media freedoms and the adoption of international
agreements on nuclear issues.
Generous
concessions
Following the meetings, Clinton announced at a
press conference that the US would respond to recent reforms with the
relaxation of some restrictions on financial assistance and increased support
for development programs. In particular, Clinton said the US would no longer
use its influence to block assistance from the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund.
The US will also apparently resume
counter-narcotics operations in the country. Previous counter-narcotics
cooperation between the US and Myanmar was criticized by ethnic groups when
weapons and aircraft supplied by the US were used against them in
counterinsurgency campaigns in the 1990's, including against the non-drug
producing or trafficking Karen National Union (KNU).
Clinton also extended an invitation for
Myanmar to join the Lower Mekong Initiative, which is at present composed of
Cambodia, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam and is devoted to issues of water
management on the Mekong that often bring Southeast Asia into conflict with
China. An upgrade of America's diplomatic mission to Myanmar was also discussed
with the possible assignment of an ambassador. (The US has been represented by
a charge-de-affairs since it removed its ambassador following the violent
suppression of the 1988 pro-democracy protests.)
Economic and financial sanctions, however, are
unlikely to end any time soon. Although discussed during the talks, US
officials have been cautious to say that their easing or removal are not yet on
the table. To have them legally rescinded would require the cooperation of the
United States Congress, where several influential members have made known their
disapproval of Clinton's visit, including chairwoman of the House Foreign
Affairs Committee Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.
On Thursday, Clinton travelled to Yangon for a
dinner with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent 15 of the last 21
years under house arrest. Suu Kyi has given guarded support for Thein Sein's
reform efforts and has said that she believes the risk of supporting the government
is worthwhile. A more formal meeting was held between Clinton and Suu Kyi on
Friday morning, followed by meetings with ethnic minority group and civil
society representatives.
Clinton's visit can be chalked up as a
"win" for Thein Sein's nominally democratic government. Her arrival
alone conveyed much sought after legitimacy and respect in the international
community. Together with the offered concessions, Thein Sein's government has
been able to achieve what previous military regimes were unable to do - garner
enough respect as the country's legitimate government.
This should have a strong positive effect on
future reform efforts, assuming they are genuine. Those opposed to reform can
see that it is achieving some success and those taking a middle line on the
process may be encouraged to back future moves. However, it is unlikely that
the reforms are being carried out without the backing of the country's former
military dictator and officially retired Senior General Than Shwe and other
high-ranking current and former military officers. But the further the reforms
go, the more difficult they will be to repeal in the future.
Additionally, American support lends the
regime a new degree of legitimacy in the eyes of its own population - despite
its rise to power through rigged elections in 2010. By extending Washington's
backing to the reform effort together with support from Suu Kyi, there is a
powerful incentive for Myanmar's beleaguered and impoverished citizens to give
the new government a chance.
Conversely, Washington's support for a still
unproven reform effort risks giving the government political capital to
continue its wayward practices elsewhere, especially in ethnic minority areas.
The country's military leaders, many of whom are now in the present government,
frequently used concessions to the international community as a way of covering
up arrests of opposition figures or brutal military offensives in border
regions.
Recent reports by human rights groups indicate
that human rights abuses continue unabated in these areas. Indeed, military
operations have increased against certain ethnic insurgent groups since Thein
Sein took power in March, some of which, like the Kachin, formerly had
ceasefires with the government. Ethnic minority leaders claim that while Thein
Sein has promised to hold a national convention on ethnic issues and claims to
be holding ceasefire talks, he has failed to directly address their political
concerns and the government has refused to hold discussions with more than one
group at a time.
While the US will likely continue to push for
human rights guarantees and an end to the civil war, by lending legitimacy to
the government it risks fueling an already accelerating trend of
nongovernmental organizations and donors withdrawing from programs aimed at
helping ethnic minorities fleeing war scenes and political activists in exile
and shifting their work in-country through Naypyidaw and Yangon. With both
China and US courting Naypyidaw, it is less convenient to support ethno-nationalist
insurgencies and their activists on the borders, analysts note.
Chinese
perceptions
American officials have consistently claimed
that the growing detente with Naypyidaw is not about China, but is based on a
desire to promote human rights and democracy in Myanmar. Clinton rejected the
balance-of-power notion during her visit, saying, "We are not viewing this
in light of any competition with China. We are viewing it as an opportunity for
us to reengage here."
Most observers, however, see ulterior motives.
Myanmar's importance to the US has grown in recent years as the Barack Obama
administration has sought to reassert its presence in the region. The US has
expended considerable effort to reengage with Naypyidaw, having seen in recent
years China's economic and strategic interests grow considerably in a country
that was formerly a strategic and economic backwater.
In light of Obama's recent tour in the region
and Clinton's manifesto article in Foreign Policy setting out a new, more
pro-active policy for Asia, a perception is growing in China that the US may be
aiming to contain its rise. In non-confrontational response, China has called
on "relevant countries" to lift sanctions against Myanmar to promote
development and stability, according to a December 1 China foreign ministry
briefing. While subtly questioning American sincerity, it also said that
Beijing welcomes increased contact between Myanmar and the US.
Myanmar's past isolation meant it sought
friends only where it could find them. It became heavily reliant on China for
weapons, international diplomatic support, trade and investment. But the
relationship with China has never sat well with Myanmar's military rulers.
While some exploited the situation for personal gain, others became very
concerned about Beijing's growing presence and commercial influence.
It is unlikely that Naypyidaw intends to
unilaterally ally itself with one great power over another. During its
decades-long period of isolation and international condemnation, it has become
adept at playing bigger powers off against one another, and has a
long-established tradition of nonalignment in its foreign relations. The power
games being played between Washington and Beijing, and also with New Delhi, are
certainly not lost on Myanmar's leaders.
Days before Clinton's visit, military head
General Min Aung Hliang travelled to Beijing in what was interpreted as a move
to assuage Chinese fears of growing relations with the US. Despite a rift over
the recent cancellation of the important Chinese-backed Myitsone dam project,
the general held discussions with Vice President Xi Jinping, slated to become
China's leader next year, and chief of the general staff of the People's
Liberation Army, General Chen Bingde. Both sides pledged continued military
cooperation and signed a new defense cooperation agreement.
Because the sincerity of Thein Sein's reforms
are far from certain, Clinton's visit and concessions represent a diplomatic
gamble. Should his government press forward with democracy-promoting reforms,
American support could prove key in making them sustainable. To deepen
engagement with the US, Myanmar's leaders will need to prove the current
reforms will remain in place once they receive the international recognition,
aid and investment they covet.
Brian McCartan
Asia Times
Business & Investment Opportunities
YourVietnamExpert is a division of Saigon Business Corporation Pte Ltd, Incorporated in Singapore since 1994. As Your Business Companion, we propose a range of services in Consulting, Investment and Management, focusing three main economic sectors: International PR; Healthcare & Wellness;and Tourism & Hospitality. We also propose Higher Education, as a bridge between educational structures and industries, by supporting international programs. Sign up with twitter to get news updates with @SaigonBusinessC. Thanks.
No comments:
Post a Comment