Why the need for Health Reform now?
This is the question
that has been posed by many people. What indeed are the key reasons for the
government to embark on such a radical transformation of our health system?
There is no easy answer. But I would venture some socio-economic and health
economic possibilities.1
Although one cannot
discount or exclude political reasons or even patronage-linked considerations,
I would not wish to embark on this line of speculation, because essentially
this would only detract from the real issues at hand. Also, it would be hard to
prove what are at best, innuendoes and almost surely shaped by partisan motives
and beliefs. But it would also certainly be impossible to allay public fears
and anxieties that these sorts of political interjections might play a role in
any government policy makeovers.
So perhaps, these
possibilities should at least be highlighted so that they might be forewarned
and prevented from hijacking such a monumental policy shift for personal or
partisan reasons.
Major reasons for this
proposed health reform are: widening public-private disparity in healthcare
delivery; attempt to slow down rising healthcare costs; government policy shift
to reduce health care subsidy; implementing W.H.O. mandate to provide so-called
universal coverage for health; social health insurance to tap into another
copayment mechanism for healthcare payment; and forming an autonomous national
health authority.
Widening Public-Private
disparity in health care delivery
I think that thus far,
perception-wise there appears to some official discomfort that the two
disparate arms of our health system—one publicly funded and the other privately
so—seem to be widening in their capacities and efficiencies at delivering
health and medical services.
Perhaps, there is that
unspoken belief even among the government officials that the privately funded
sector appears to be superior or at least more effective at delivering
healthcare for the public, albeit at a higher price. But, the health ministry
has seldom, remotely and reluctantly acknowledged this. Instead, there have
been highlighted public complaints of exorbitant charges, costs, or other
mistakes on the part of private facilities so much so that a raft of special
laws had been enacted to regulate them, i.e. the Private Healthcare Facilities
and Services Act (1998) and the Regulations (2006).2 There have also been
raised concerns that GPs are poor at chronic disease management, which many
private doctors have debunked and found discriminatory without proof.3
Yet, we know that the
public sector health care delivery has been at best checkered and often
notoriously congested, that its efficiency has been called into question time
and time again. Considering the huge volume of patient turnover seen by the
public health sector vs. its limited resources and bureaucracy, this is not so
much a criticism, but a reality-based commentary. I believe that under the
circumstances, the public health sector is functioning the best it could, although
one can argue that there is much that can be improved and made more effective
and productive. Moreover, staff and personnel migration to the private sector
has caused difficult manpower and expertise problems at maintaining competency
and safety of medical services for the less-endowed public users of these
services.
So like it or not, there
is in reality some inequity in access, where the public sector patients appear
to have a lesser or more delayed (possibly less senior and/or experienced
specialist care) access to some of the more special medical or surgical
services.4 Such a disparity to a certain extent, poses some degree of
unfairness on the system as a whole, and creates perhaps a 2-tier approach for
our patients—one for the poor and the other for the better-off.
So there is this wish to
consolidate and streamline the system so that these two streams could be
integrated to provide greater ‘solidarity’ for our rakyat without the
need to consider the ability to pay. This seems to be the ideal.5 But in
reality perhaps this is pushing fairness and equality too much. As I have tried
to explain, our system has indeed an inbuilt pro-poor mechanism that is
progressive, relatively fair and to some degree based on cross-subsidisation on
the part of those who can afford to pay more in the private sector. Conversely,
the government and the public sector cater to those who are poor or who have
less disposable household income, albeit with some inconvenience and possibly
some unavoidable delays due to rationing economics and triaging of services
based on need and urgencies.
Attempt to slow down rising
costs of healthcare
There can be no denying
that healthcare costs are rising everywhere. The question is whether this
health cost escalation is more disproportionately so in Malaysia. I have argued
that this is not altogether true. Most Malaysians can afford our current
healthcare services—each according to their means—although sometimes
begrudgingly!
We have relatively low
household expenditure on necessary or catastrophic healthcare services, with
arguably the lowest tendency toward medical bankruptcies in the entire Asia
Pacific region.6 So the fear that our relatively high out-of-pocket (OOP)
payments for healthcare is probably unfounded and not based on the research
data available.7 I would challenge our health officials to provide proof that
we indeed have a problem with excessive OOP payments that contributes to
household impoverishment.
Perhaps more realistic
is the policy-shift by the government to consider healthcare as a
capital-intensive and resource-consuming ‘unproductive’ economic activity, so
much so that the budgetary allotments appear to be reaping low or no returns.
Increasingly there has been official talk that this healthcare budget is too
much of a ‘subsidy’, which could be reduced in fiscal monetary economics
consideration. I argue that this is actually a government prerogative to
provide as a mandatory social good, as part of all good civil governance. This
is a must in ensuring the basic tenet of human rights to health! The 2 per cent
of GDP spent on healthcare, I would argue is a necessary social good, which the
public demands. More should and must be allocated.
Government policy shift to
reduce health care subsidy
The budgeted amount for
health care is simply too low.8 It is argued that the lack of concomitant
increase in allocation from government tax revenues over the years, is what has
made that proportion of health care spending appear as if there was a huge
surge in out-of-pocket spending for the individual or household. Of course,
this is reflected and stimulated by the stupendous growth in our private sector
healthcare, which was encouraged by the government since the mid 1980s.
Overall, there is widespread belief that there is gross underfunding on the
part of the government. And that this contributes to the lower morale and
lesser competencies of the public health sector.
I have elaborated at
length that we have to seriously explore alternative approaches to health
equity for Malaysians, where out-of-pocket, OOP payment is just one aspect.
Taken together with other health economic parameters and analyses, our health
system to date appears ‘progressive’ (i.e. fair and equitable) in terms
of health financing options and mechanisms. Of course, the system can and
should be improved, but this might simply require some elaborate and
painstaking tweaking rather than a wholesale revamp!
Indeed, will the
proposed de facto ‘socialisation’ or corporatisation of our health care systems
through the proposed integration of public-private sectors, be the correct
mechanism to forestall the trajectory of escalating health care costs, while
promoting health care access and equity as envisioned by the government?9
Or, would allocating or
injecting more public funds into the public sector to boost services be the
more immediate and more cost-effective approach towards increasing universal
access and widening the already available basket of services to the public, at
little or no cost? After all over several decades now the government has only
been spending just around 2 per cent of the nation’s GDP toward health care.
What if this allocation were to be increased to say 4 per cent, even it this
means diverting or cannibalizing some funds from other areas such as defence,
or other non-critical services?
Healthcare subsidy would
almost certainly benefit more people as a whole, while increasing healthcare
accessibility without the threat of inability-to-pay. Our public increasingly
feels that our tax revenues could be put to better and more sensible use, and
would certainly welcome such an increase in healthcare funding.
I believe the public
will consider this as a generous bequest from a prudent and caring government.
This will stimulate growth and capacity for the public sector and probably
strengthen the delivery of services to the public especially those in the lower
income stream, so as to narrow the perceived gap of public-private disparities.
When this sector is improved, the private sector would be forced to compete
even more aggressively and cost-effectively so that overall, the delivery of
health services across the board would be enhanced!
So what about this
obsession with our out-of-pocket (OOP) payment for health being too high? I am
not particularly impressed about this risk, taking into consideration the
peculiarities within our Malaysian health system.
Can medical bankruptcies
or impoverishment be prevented if our out-of-pocket payments are reduced
enough, through another mechanism of healthcare reimbursement plan i.e. an
additional compulsory tax of sorts, via the social health insurance? Other
neighbouring countries such as Singapore have even higher OOP payment
percentage but have done well.
WHO’s recommends Primary
Care-led Universal Coverage…
This appears to be one
of the main reasons, our health officials feel we should show solidarity with
global aspirations. However, the W.H.O. is essentially more concerned about
universal coverage and access to health care for the underdeveloped nations
around the third world. Arguably these levels of development of health systems
have been way below our own. These arguments generally do not apply to the more
developed first world nations.
The different W.H.O.
officials whom I have met and discussed with have also cautioned against too
drastic a health reform, urging instead for more public consultations,
systematic pilot projects as well as improving tailored systems and delivery
based on our strengths. Some have urged for graduated evolution of reform
because there is no system the world over that is the right one for healthcare
delivery. Local and regional conditions and peculiarities should be considered
and factored in.
In fact Dr Margaret
Chan, the W.H.O. Director-General has said that ““no single mix of policy
options will work well in every setting… Any effective strategy for health
financing needs to be home-grown. Health systems are complex adaptive systems,
and their different components can interact in unexpected ways. By covering
failures and setbacks as well as successes, the report helps countries
anticipate unwelcome surprises and avoid them. Trade-offs are inevitable, and
decisions will need to strike the right balance between the proportion of the
population covered, the range of services included, and the costs to be
covered.” Thus, no ‘one-size-fits-all’ model exists for the perfect health care
system!10
It is true however, that
the W.H.O. has been big in urging for a primary care-led health delivery
system.11 This is underpinned by economic considerations that the primary
care-led health initiative can help slow the trajectory of healthcare costs, by
serving as a gate-keeper and helping to ration healthcare to meet finite healthcare
resources. It is argued that when patients have unfettered access to secondary
and tertiary care at will and on demand, specialist care often trumps cost
considerations because, health needs almost always carry unregulated individual
moral hazards and conflicts of interests!
Moreover, with the
primary care-led system, some degree of orderliness and rationing can help
provide at least a modicum of basic healthcare services for everyone, the
quantum or the size of the basket of services would necessarily depend on the
capacity of the state to provide, but would need constant negotiated
enhancement over time.
What about for Malaysia?
Our GP services already cater to about 62 per cent of all the primary care
needs of the population, even if this was via OOP payment mechanisms; while the
public outpatient clinics cater to the other 38 per cent of the poorer
population. If the public clinics cannot cope with the patient load, it has
been argued that the GPs should be roped in to help provide the decongesting
exercise. The public sector can actually purchase GP services to help offload
the patient congestion at public institutions. This is actually the mechanism
of healthcare partnership in most of the European health systems from France to
Germany. It is in the finding of workable solutions and bureaucratic
reimbursement mechanisms that is at present holding back this potential
partnership.
Social Health Insurance and
Authority, another GLC?
What about having a
social health insurance at this point in time? Are Malaysians ready for this
form of individual or family-group taxation i.e. contributing towards a
community-rated health insurance scheme, which will be run by an appointed
autonomous authority that will control and disburse all funds from ‘womb to tomb’
for all health-related problems? Not every health policy expert agrees that SHI
is superior to tax-based health payment mechanism, indeed SHI have many
detractors.12
Many countries such as
Australia, Canada, Finland, Ireland, New Zealand and the United Kingdom have
maintained predominantly tax-financed systems since the 1960s. In fact, the NHS
of UK is almost 88 per cent funded from tax revenue allocations. Other
countries that have maintained a SHI system since the early 1960s, includes
Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Japan, Korea, Luxembourg, Mexico, the
Netherlands, Switzerland and Turkey. One major criticism about the SHI model is
that healthcare spending per capita tends to rise more than tax-based health
systems, although achieving less coverage.13 These gaps and inequalities in
coverage in SHI systems are likely to translate into inequalities in per capita
health spending, which in turn produce below average levels and delivery of
health care. In fact, some countries improve their universal coverage only when
they switch more toward tax-based systems of health financing, e.g. southern
European countries.14
Are Malaysians ready to
relinquish control of their health dollars to an independent authority, which
is sanctioned by the government? Is this one other form of a GLC
(Government-linked corporation), which could potentially be an
affirmative-action patronage-linked connotation? This is not likely to persuade
many Malaysians towards its acceptability. Why empower another huge
conglomerate, where we cannot control, but which can limit our choices while
also costing us more immediately?15
Can we accept perhaps a
more limited and constrained version of health care access, but which would
provide a modicum of guarantees against the vagaries of catastrophic illness,
so that as a whole, our eventual health care costs would be lower in the long
run?
Can we accept that there
might even be some reduction in the basket of healthcare services, medicines or
therapies, which are deemed too costly or not ready to be included? How much
copayment would we be willing to accept while we are already mandated to
contribute some percentage of our wages toward this Social Health Insurance?
Would Malaysians become
more patient and accepting that some non-urgent medical care might not need to
be sought immediately, every time? That, many ailments could be safely waited
upon, albeit with some slightly prolonged discomfort and possibly pain, so as
to preserve and spare our finite healthcare resources more efficiently?
Malaysians would have to
learn and accept that this is the usual response time for most ailments, which
are non-medical emergencies. But changing such ingrained mindsets take time,
and would need the appropriate inculcation of values and buy-in options from
the public. It would be foolhardy to push through such radical reforms that
could potentially disrupt our hitherto vaunted and respected even if imperfect,
health services!
Are Alternative Health Reforms
Possible?
Perhaps, we should work
towards some structure of reform in a more gradual manner. Let the system
evolve by setting up pilot projects of change first within the already hugely
subsidized public sector. For our civil servants and their dependents, they
could be absorbed into this enhanced system, where the general government
revenues can be allocated more concretely. Perhaps, the government could start
some SHI model at the same time, thus involving some 1.2 million civil servants
and their dependents, to see if this manner of co-contribution to some risk-pooling
insurance could work well.
Other private sector
companies would necessarily be viewing this development with keen interests and
they too could be incentivized to participate or join in voluntarily, if and
when they see the practical and cost-benefits of the ‘new’ system, for their
own employees. However, we must caution that they should not be coerced into
accepting some basket of health services for their charges, which are inferior
to what is currently available--change must be for the better and not the other
way round! It is critical that the transformed public sector is seen to
function seamlessly and competently, so that those outside its reach would feel
justified that this is the possible better option.
Currently, most
companies big and small, purchase some forms of company assisted health
insurance or some negotiated empanelling of GP clinic groups to provide
healthcare benefits for their employees. These have been serving most companies
well all this while. However, as with any new model it is possible that in
time, these companies could see the benefits and preference for the government
initiative. Then over some decades perhaps, this could be expanded to include
more and more of our citizens, because this is indeed the better way forward.
This would ensure gradual buy-in on the part of the public, when they can be
assured that the option of SHI is the best method of health care reimbursement
for most nations. But let the rakyat have that choice and make it themselves!
Implications & Concerns of
Single Payer Gate-keeping Primary Care
Malaysians are
accustomed to our current healthcare system where they can consult or even
change any doctor or specialist at will, when they fall ill. It is true that
sometimes this can be a costly exercise, which has led to duplication of
services, investigations and wastage of unconsumed medications and lack of
continuity of care.
However, it is debatable
whether these doctor hopping or shopping practices among some of us, are such a
major problem that we have be devise an entirely new scheme to curtail this.
Would this make much sense if only a small minority does this, or is this
simply a command or arbitrary health economic measure that the government
wishes to impose, just because it can?
Under the new proposed
1Care system, unless deemed necessary and referred by a gate-keeping primary
care doctor, any other self-referral to another non-designated doctor or
specialist would not be reimbursable. In other words, you will be required to
pay out of pocket if you choose to bypass the new system, and see second or
third opinions when not referred by designated doctors. Remember that these
doctors have been contractually advised and are also controlled by the new
authorities, to only refer when they think is necessary, and that their
performance or failure to carry out some of these measures, might also not be
reimbursed or might even be penalized!16
Knowing the penchant for
Malaysians to be quite critical and choosy, and in some ways empowered, there
is that distinct possibility that many people might continue to do this and
thereupon incur even more self-paying for services that they demand. Can we
wean the public out of this kind of thinking or practice? Or should we allow
the free market to determine and dictate the terms of reference of how they can
access their own preferred doctor, based on the concept that our rakyat should
have the right to decide and to choose?
What if gate-keeping
doctors fail to be as competent or as satisfactory as they are supposed to be?
Especially, when these designated doctors are often not from personal or free
choice. Would there be any recourse to any form of dispute resolution or
arbitration for change or complaint? Could this lead to uncalled-for delay of
diagnosis, treatment or even serious consequences, which the system will
tolerate? Would medico-legal challenges be allowed if negligence and poor
outcomes occur, and would patients have a choice to pursue some remedial
recourse for themselves or their loved ones?
During the 2010 General
Practitioner’s Summit, some 300-odd doctors spent 2 whole days debating their
roles and the merits and concerns about the proposed 1Care health reform.17
While most agree on some consensus of supporting a primary care-led health
system, many were very concerned as to the scope and extent of the far-reaching
reform proposals. Gate-keeping might be an acceptable model to adopt to
regulate unwarranted access to specialist health care referral, but flexibility
was considered critical for the public to buy in.
There were also fears of
the mandatory social health insurance, the single payer system, capitation or
global budget fee arrangements, and the need for the GPs to be under layers of
bureaucrats whether family medicine specialists or so-called quality or safety
officers from different agencies, which could only increase logistic as well as
running costs! Ultimately there is fear that higher costs of practices would be
passed on down to the public and the patients.18
So, are Malaysians ready
to evolve into a system of healthcare, which is controlled and restricted in
large measure by a designated family physician or GP, i.e. primary care-led,
and an overarching National Health Authority? What about checks and balances of
misuse, abuse or simply technical glitches from venal or incompetent
practitioners or armchair medical managers?
These are the concerns
that are difficult to dispel. Because the possible limitations of the proposed
single authority could easily stifle access and promote extraordinary expenses
out-of-pocket for a sizable portion of our citizens, who might find this single
payer mechanism too tiresome and bureaucratic, what with the enforced
gate-keeping and possible inefficiency adding as a serious stumbling block to
free choice!
If it ain’t broke…
Again, the system isn’t
broke, and public acceptance of our current dichotomy of services appears
strong without the compelling need to change and/or abolish this functioning
system at this point in time.
With an established
private sector system in full flight, the 1Care reform plans have cast
distracting shadows on the future of private health facilities and private
medical practitioners. Are we resorting to some form of de facto
‘socialization’ or underhand corporatization of our health services? Is this
compatible with our free-market economic practice, with our established
concomitant and much vaunted public health sector safety nets? Would this plan
spook investors in the health care sector? Would this also contribute towards
more talent migration and capital flight? Most importantly, would the public
actually benefit or suffer more from such a radical change?
Or, is this an attempt
to create another huge quasi-corporatisation exercise worth tens of billions of
ringgit? Still, is this reform going to concentrate all the nation’s health
resources into the reach and control of onemega-conglomerate or
government-linked corporate body? Would this once again stifle true competition
and allow rent-seeking patronage practices now so entrenched and yet so reviled
by our enlightened citizens?19
There is great fear that
by concentrating all the power, the financing and the discretion to access
healthcare in the hands of one authority, many people could be worse off, and
might be shortchanged even further due to bureaucratic or possibly biased
practices and flawed implementation. Ironically as feared by many, we might be
forced into paying more than we have to date, and yet might get much less in
return for our healthcare needs, in the so-called reformed future!
Preferential and
selective referrals or designations of primary care doctors are also feared
possibilities, in sharp contrast to our current approach where this is decided
by free choice. To make matters worse, if one bypasses this gate-keeper pathway
to healthcare (which we fear will happen, if dissatisfaction, glitches and
delays occur with the new system), then one is saddled with having to pay
out-of-pocket once again, thereby defeating the premise of why this reform is
needed in the first place. Excessive out-of-pocket (OOP) payment is one of the
major why’s the proposed health reform is touted to be necessary in the first
place, the aim being to abolish or reduce this aspect of reimbursement!
So perhaps for once,
before this actually materialize, the public must be protected from poorly
conceived and potentially commandeered plans to benefit questionable parties,
which could drastically impact Malaysians for the worse!
There remains serious
confusion, uncertainties and huge but foreboding unknowns pertaining to the
proposed health reform of 1Care. If our system ain’t broke, don’t change it so
drastically so as to make it potentially much worse! For goodness sake, please
for once, listen to the people!
Dr David Quek
Malaysian Insider
*Dr David Quek is
past-president of the Malaysian Medical Association, but the opinions expressed
are strictly his own and does not reflect those of the MMA.
* This is the personal opinion
of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view
unless specified.
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