A committee of Hong Kong's handpicked elite
will select the territory's new leader this weekend after a hotly contested
fight, which has left both the main front-runners tainted by scandal.
It's
been 15 years since Hong Kong, a former British colony, reverted to Chinese
sovereignty, yet tensions between local people and those from the mainland run
deeper than ever.
In
early February, the simmering anger erupted in a very public manner, as a group
of anonymous Hong Kong residents paid for a full-page advertisement in the
Apple Daily newspaper, calling on the government to stop the "unlimited
infiltration" of mainlanders.
The
ad's illustration featured an enormous locust overlooking the city's famous
skyline, above the words "Hong Kong people, we have endured enough in
silence." Even the way the ad was paid for — $13,000 in donations were
raised in just one week — emphasized the strength of feeling.
'Don't You Have Shame?'
A few
days later, during an "anti-locust rally," young Hong Kong activists
targeted tourists from mainland China in an unusual way, serenading them with
an offensive song called "Locust World."
The
lyrics accuse mainlanders of being "experts in stealing, cheating,
deceiving and lying," and ask, "Don't you have shame? Squatting on
the street, lighting a cigarette, allowing your baby to defecate all over the
place."
Mainland
visitors to the island have almost doubled in five years to 28.1 million last
year, according to the Hong Kong Tourist Board. They now make up two-thirds of
all visitors, hence the locust tag.
"Locusts
come in groups. When they come as individuals, it doesn't matter. When they
come in thousands and thousands, it looks like a swarm of locusts," says
Chin Wan-kan, a professor of Chinese at Lingnan University in Hong Kong and
author, who under the pseudonym Chen Yun has penned articles criticizing what
he says is an "invasion" of mainland Chinese.
"It's
good in a sense; it makes [Hong Kong] look more prosperous," Chin says,
but he fears ordinary people are not benefiting from the tourism.
"Actually, neighborhood shops are gone. We have to buy from shops that are
controlled by big business groups, and the prices are not good. We have to
fight for space with Chinese tourists. We lose money and we lose time for
common people. But for land tycoons, for big business, for chain stores, it's
good for them."
Loss Of Identity
In the
Tsim Sha Tsui shopping district, mainland money is obvious on a recent day as
lines of tourists wait outside the more popular luxury stores.
"Our
spending power is very good," says 35-year-old Chen Xia from Shanghai, as
she waits outside the Cartier store to exchange a $10,000 bracelet for a
rose-gold version.
She
believes Hong Kong people should welcome mainlanders: "They should like
us. We're stimulating their economy."
That
much is without doubt. Figures for the first half of 2011 show Chinese tourists
spent twice as much as all other tourists visiting Hong Kong combined. Last
year, mainland tourists spent $14 billion in Hong Kong, up 35 percent from a
year before.
But the
culture gap is growing. A video that recently went viral shows a heated
argument on the subway between locals and a mainland tourist, who was allowing
her child to eat on the subway in contravention of the rules.
The
video clip was so popular precisely because it played on Hong Kong people's
fears of the mainland threat to the values they hold dear, including a respect
for the rule of law, their language — Cantonese, a distinct dialect of Chinese
that originated in southern China's Guangdong province, where most Hong Kongers
trace their ancestry — and their distinct Hong Kong identity.
Joseph
Cheng, a political scientist at City University of Hong Kong, says Hong Kongers
are struggling to accept the new order.
"In
the late '70s, '80s and even the early '90s , Hong Kong people believed they
were better educated, more prosperous than their counterparts in mainland
China. There was a certain superiority complex," Cheng says. "In
recent years, as many rich mainlanders come to Hong Kong, there is a little bit
of inferiority complex."
Complicated Ties With China
Even
pregnant women are protesting, about an issue at the very crux of the debate.
Last year, mainland mothers accounted for 40 percent of the births in Hong Kong.
This
gives their babies Hong Kong residency — and eligibility for publicly funded
schooling and medical care, which many fear will further strain already scarce
resources. It also heightens the fears of a longer-term influx of mainlanders,
who speak Mandarin predominantly, rather than Cantonese.
Paradoxically,
Michael DeGolyer of Hong Kong Baptist University says his surveys show that
Hong Kong people are feeling a stronger affiliation with China than in the
past, and this debate also underlines that.
"Hong
Kong people are saying, 'We're Chinese — you're not supposed to come into our
city, just like we're not supposed to come into your cities and crowd out your
services. You have provisions on the mainland where you recognize this and
protect people from coming in and taking over your hospital spaces and so
forth,' " says DeGolyer, referring to the mainland system of hukou, or
household registration.
DeGolyer,
who is director of the Hong Kong Transition Project, a long-term research group
studying local public opinions and the territory's political development under
Chinese rule, believes most Hong Kong people would support a similar system.
"It's
not a rejection of China. It's saying, 'We're Chinese, too,' " he says.
Election Gives Debate Political Focus
Chinese
officials have been shrugging off the tensions. During the country's recent
congress session, Zhao Qizheng, spokesman for a top political advisory body
that includes many Hong Kong deputies, downplayed the issue.
"Mainland
and Hong Kong are siblings, thus it's natural to have some bumps during the
interaction," Zhao said.
But
Chin of Lingnan University fears Beijing wants to make Hong Kong into just
another Chinese city.
"I
would call it an imperialist approach. They think they will subsume Hong Kong
people and make them more obedient. But that will destroy Hong Kong," he
says.
And
with the approaching election, these simmering strains could find a political
focus. This weekend, the favored few — the 1,200 members of the
Beijing-appointed Selection Committee — will choose Hong Kong's next leader.
Polls show deep public opposition to Henry Tang, once thought to be Beijing's
favorite.
And in
a recent TV interview with The Wall Street Journal, a respected retired Hong
Kong official, Anson Chan, raised doubts about the other main candidate, Leung
Chun-ying, and his commitment to protecting Hong Kong's civil liberties.
For its
part, Beijing has promised that Hong Kong's next leader will have majority public
support. Otherwise, against the backdrop of growing distrust and fear that Hong
Kong's distinct identity is being eroded, the economic and social tensions
could grow into large political protests.
LOUISA
LIM
npr.org
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