New
Delhi’s highway plan to draw Southeast Asia into its orbit hits snags
Prime Minister Manmohan Sinh’s government is
attempting to resuscitate the 1,360 km India-Burma-Thailand Trilateral Highway
– an ambitious US$700 million undertaking launched in 2004 but which stands
crippled by financial and political bottlenecks.
The long-stalled highway was a major topic of
discussion when Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra made a state visit to
New Delhi last month. Both Yingluck and Singh said it is urgent to rejuvenate
the project and bring it to fruition as soon as possible. Interestingly, while
New Delhi dithers on the highway project, China, India’s competitor for primacy
in Asia, is pushing ahead with ambitious plans to lead the Trans-Asian Railway,
a UNESCAP project to create an integrated freight railway across Europe and
Asia on which 20 countries agreed in 2006.
Three major rail routes are planned, from
Yunnan in Southeast China to Singapore through Laos, Thailand and Malaysia;
from Urumqi to Germany through Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Pakistan,
Iran and Turkey; and from Heilongjiang in northeast China to southeastern
Europe via Mongolia and Russia.
It is not tough to see why India and Thailand
would like to get the highway project moving. For India especially, the
Trilateral Highway, launched under the auspices of the Mekong Ganga
Cooperation, is crucial to Singh’s Look East aspirations. (The Mekong-Ganga
Cooperation was signed in Vientiene, Laos in 2002, by six member countries –
India, Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, for cooperation in tourism,
culture, education and transportation linkages.)
By augmenting its links with its Asian
neighbors, the project would help New Delhi feel strategically less vulnerable,
especially in the face of China’s growing regional influence. The highway, analysts
say, would also provide New Delhi with substantive economic linkages at a time
when traditional markets in Europe and the US are wrenched by uncertainty.
“The Trilateral Highway will also go a long
way in assisting New Delhi to forge a vital link between its neglected and
insurgency-ridden northeast region and Southeast Asia,” said international
policy expert Dr Pratham Kochchar. “This will usher in economic prosperity into
India’s northeast and help transform the region into a regional trading hub.”
As the highway would also connect the Indian
city of Moreh with Mae Sot in Thailand through Bagan in Myanmar, all three
stakeholders would experience a surge in commerce with Association of Southeast
Asian Nations countries as well, Kochchar said. Industry estimates suggest that
seamless connectivity with the Asian Highway Network through the trilateral
project would ratchet up India’s trade with ASEAN to about US$100 billion in
the next five years.
“Trade between India, Myanmar and Thailand is
currently sea-bound, which not only makes exchanges slow but also prohibitively
expensive,” said a top official at the New Delhi’s Center For Policy Research.
“The trilateral highway will whittle down costs stupendously, ushering in
economies of scale and commercial prosperity for the beneficiaries.”
If the highway is of such monumental
importance, then why is it not up yet? What are the bottlenecks that plague
this pioneering project?
Finance has apparently been the big issue.
While India and Thailand have upgraded some of the link roads, politically
turbulent and financially-constrained Myanmar has not been able to fulfill its
share of commitments. In fact there’s even been sporadic friction between the
three stakeholders due to Myanmar’s demand that India and Thailand pay for road
construction in its territory too.
Regional security concerns also bedevil the
highway project. Illegal trade, drug trafficking and insurgencies thrive on the
India-Myanmar border. New Delhi is also sensitive about China’s de facto
control over Myanmar’s Kachin state bordering the Indian state of Arunachal
Pradesh, which Beijing claims as its territory. India fears the Trilateral
Highway might inundate its side of the border with illegal migrants and Chinese
weapons compromising its security interests.
In fact such has been the level of skepticism
about the project that there is concern that the highway could create more
problems than prosperity. According to Tanvi Pate of the Institute of Peace
& Conflict Studies, “the project also raises concern on its final
destination -- i.e. the Myanmar-Thailand border – which hosts ethnic insurgent
camps.” According to Pate, Myanmar has accused Thailand in the past of
harboring groups like the Karen National Union and the Chin National Liberation
Front while Thailand has been concerned about the access the highway might
provide to illegal immigrants and narcotics from ASEAN countries. Due to these
insecurities playing on the stakeholders’ minds, the project is still
languishing, the scholar suggests.
The element of regionalism has been another
spoiler, analysts say. The swift integration of the Greater Mekong Sub region
has relegated work by other regional umbrella organizations to the sidelines.
The GMS countries have been focusing more on upgrades and construction of new
highways under the Asian Highway Project which has seen investment of US$2.7
billion.
The East West Corridor, the North-South
Economic Corridor and the Southern Economic Corridor are the three major
projects already being implemented by the GMS states. The upgrade of these
highways and ratification of Cross Border Transport Agreement have since
quadrupled the intra-GMS trade. Given this overarching narrative, the GMS
nations currently don’t feel the need to make any political or capital
investment on any other initiative.
However, Indian officials are convinced that
enhanced connectivity through the highway initiative will open up avenues for
cooperation with the neighboring states and provide effective mechanisms for
dealing with cross border problems which have hitherto remained unresolved.
India has already emphasized the historical and cultural links with the
neighboring Southeast Asian countries for years and now must accord salience to
physical connections like the trilateral highway project.
As Pate suggests, political and financial will
remains a key to rejuvenating the moribund project and India needs to strive to
create this will. In the event this does not work, then India could
unilaterally shoulder the financial responsibility for the highway.
After all, US$700 million seems more like an
investment than an `expense’ considering the host of tangible benefits that
would come New Delhi’s way once the project is completed.
Neeta Lal
Asia Sentinel
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