On Sept. 18 US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton welcomed
visiting Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel laureate, democracy activist, former
political prisoner, leader of the National League of Democracy (NLD) and
current member of Myanmar’s parliament.
Suu Kyi was greeted by Clinton at
the US Institute of Peace (USIP), where the Southeast Asian democracy icon
delivered her address on the current and future orientation of US-Myanmar (also
known as Burma) relations.
Examining her address, Suu Kyi
fully understands the current development of complicated relations the United
States has with China and she emphasized her speech in regards to this issue by
saying that “US-Burma relations, at some degree, influence Burma-China and
US-China relations”. Unlike traditional realist perspective in the foreign
policy, she denoted the importance of constructive engagement among the three
countries through orienting the policy and bilateral and trilateral relations
among Myanmar and two major global powers in a positive fashion.
The democratic reform in Myanmar
is surely far from the stage of consolidating. We, Indonesians, still vividly
remember the human rights violations upon the Muslim ethnic in Rohingya,
Rakhine state. The armed conflict between the central government and the people
of Kachin state, northern part of Myanmar that borders with southern China, has
intensified in the past days over natural resources’ profit redistribution
issue.
The judicial system, as Suu Kyi
acknowledged, is the weakest arm of Myanmar’s democracy which also implies that
the rule of law is not strongly upheld. Indeed, there’s lot of homework of
reform that has to be done in the country that is starting to re-open to the
world.
One of the highlighted new
developments is the market economy adopted in through the 2008 Constitution.
This makes Myanmar the third supposedly socialist country with a market
economic policy after China and Vietnam.
At this moment, Myanmar’s
legislatures are drafting the law that will regulate foreign investment in the
country despite the fact that some multinational corporations such as Chevron
and Coca-Cola, already made the move to explore the new market.
Aside from the “report” delivered
by Suu Kyi, her visit amplifies a broader and stronger message to the world,
especially to her fellow citizens, and political affiliates back home.
First, her more-than-two weeks
visit to the US coincided with the arrival of President Thein Sein to attend UN
General Assembly in New York. Given the time imbalance with the president’s
three day-visit, the US government’s failure to appropriately treat both Suu
Kyi and Thein Sein may spark various interpretations in Myanmar.
Though election day is not in
sight for another three years, any sudden move might incite extreme caution in
the local politics enveloped with nothing but, for now, uncertainties. Thus,
Washington must weigh wisely in giving signals to the president who arguably
deserves credit in the opening of the country and the reform that follows.
Second, such unbalanced attention
will provide a political loophole and opportunity that will undermine the current
development of reform. Not to mention, God forbid, another coup attempt to
overthrow the current administration. Thus, national integration in social and
political realm will continue to pose as the ultimate challenge for democracy
consolidation in Myanmar.
Third, in a wider extent,
Myanmar’s relationship with ASEAN and also East Asian countries, notably China
and Japan, is something the government and legislators at Nay Pyi Taw should
not overlook given the closer physical distance and future relations in the
region.
Being the ASEAN the country
second to last in GDP, Myanmar has a lot of catching up to do especially when
the goal of 2012 ASEAN Community is seriously considered. The challenge seems
to be relatively heavier for Thein Sein and his administration with domestic
political issues and other ASEAN member’s impeccable economic performance
during recession in the US and Europe.
Japan, though facing its own
economic problem as the aftermath of 2011 earthquake and tsunami, is committed
to providing developmental assistance to the country it once occupied.
China, on the other hand, cannot
be taken lightly. Despite the fact that the two countries have close political
ties rooted to history (Burma was the first to recognize the People’s Republic
of China’s independence), as neighboring countries, China and Myanmar have
fences to set along their shared borderline.
The magnitude of China’s economic
power can be either advantageous or burden for Myanmar to develop bilateral
partnership in trade. This is where ASEAN should be able to reinforce and offer
alternatives.
Finally, for a country with
least-developed status, economic development with emphasis on poverty
alleviation, education and healthcare provision, and fulfillment of other basic
human rights is crucial.
Thus, the upcoming inflow of
foreign direct investment should be somewhat transformed or indirectly address
the challenges. The wisdom here is that Myanmar should not become another
resort of “race to the bottom” as labor cost in China starts to swell up and
impel foreign investors to alternate their capital investments.
As a leader in ASEAN, Indonesia
should embrace the positive wave of transformation in Myanmar and offer
assistance to tackle the myriad of problems it now facing.
Heru Prama Yuda
The writer is a master’s student at Johns Hopkins University in
Washington, DC, and recipient of a DIKTI 2012 scholarship.
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