The Asean Summit in Phnom Penh that just ended drew considerable
international attention even amid missiles in Gaza and another crisis in
Europe. The attention has little to do intrinsically with the group of ten
countries. The Summit's significance is magnified through the lens of US-China
competition.
US President Barack Obama took
his first overseas trip since winning re-election. This was perhaps the last
visit by outgoing Chinese Premier Wen Jiao-Bao. Over the last two years, the
Obama administration has made a concerted "pivot" to the region,
whereas Beijing has seen alarm raised with neighbours over territorial
disputes.
Obama did well. In 2009, he was
assailed in the American press for being too soft here. This time he pushed and
persuaded on both economics and politics.
In Bangkok, the president
reminded Thailand of its long-standing US alliance and prodded the country
towards entering the US-led Trans-Pacific partnership (TPP) for closer economic
links. In Myanmar, Obama - the first US president to visit the country - met
reformist president Thein Sein, and called the country "Myanmar".
He then embraced - quite
literally and heartily - iconic opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and called
the country "Burma". The sensitive human rights question about
problems in Rakhine State was raised, as was expected, given the criticism that
a presidential visit was premature.
Add this to strengthened ties
with Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam and the Philippines, and the Obama
administration's two terms will be noted for re-engaging Asean. Credit goes to
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who has been especially proactive in paving
the way for the president.
But another factor has been
China. Concerns about Beijing's ambitions have made other Asians much more
receptive to American attention. It doesn't help that Beijing stands accused of
influencing Cambodia as the Asean chair, so the group's July ministerial
meeting floundered. This summit too showed signs of disunity when Cambodia's
draft statement led several leaders to reiterate their positions and insist on
re-wording the text to salvage the situation.
Amid this, President Obama did
not need to stoke anxieties about China. He had instead the luxury of urging
all sides to show restraint. When Asians can't get along with each other, the
position of the US is reinforced.
Intra-Asian differences will
continue. The Philippines - most vocal against Chinese maritime claims - has
called for a meeting with other Asean claimants Vietnam, Malaysia and Brunei.
China is pointedly excluded.
How Chinese leaders now respond
can potentially shape relations with the region as a whole. So far China has
punished the Philippines by cutting off tourist visits, bought overpriced rice
from Thailand, asserted influence over Cambodia and provoked an Asean schism.
These cannot be Beijing's mainstays.
China has always said it supports
Asean centrality, and its response needs instead to be broader and forward
looking. After all, China's economy continues to grow while Washington stands
at the edge of a financial cliff.
So while Asians welcomed
President Obama, questions linger over the American wherewithal to remain
engaged and grow alongside Asia. China should put trade and investment at the
front and centre in its engagement with the rest of Asia - and not territorial
disputes.
Accordingly, China would do well
to give attention to something else that was launched at the summit. This is
the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), to link Asia with China
and India, with Asean as the hub. Others, like Australia, are also in the
frame. Despite Obama's charisma, the US is not within this economic group, and
instead champions the TPP.
The RCEP sets the stage for a new
stage in Asian regionalism, centered on economics. If it can make the agreed
deadline of 2015, this wider effort would support Asean's own target for
community integration. The RCEP is still at a preliminary stage and there are
many obstacles ahead. But if it can progress, the RCEP can provide many avenues
to broaden the agenda and create more positive perceptions about China's role
in Asia. Beijing should do all it can to help Asean move forward with this.
Simon Tay
Simon Tay is chairman of the Singapore Institute of International
Affairs and teaches international law at the National University of Singapore
Faculty of Law. He is the author of Asia Alone: The Dangerous Post Crisis
Divide from America.
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