KUALA LUMPUR - Animosity between Malaysia's two leading
political coalitions - the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and opposition Pakatan
Rakyat - has run high following the opposition-led Himpunan Kebangkitan Rakyat
mass rally held earlier this month in the capital's iconic Merdeka Stadium.
Many argue that the political
climate has never been so polarized ahead of the country's 13th general
elections, democratic polls that have the potential to bring enormous
political, economic and social change.
BN, led by the United Malays Nasional
Organization (UMNO), has held power consecutively since Malaysia achieved
independence from colonial Britain in 1957. Pakatan Rakyat - a coalition of the
People's Justice Party (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Pan-Malaysian
Islamic Party (PAS) - looks to build on the historic gains it made at the 2008
polls, where it initially won control of five out of 13 state assemblies.
Since then, few have acknowledged
the emphasis that Prime Minister Najib Razak has put on deconstructing
draconian legislation that once allowed for indefinite detention without trial
and scoop arrests of government critics. Clearly, there is a vocal and
undeterred segment of the population which values civil liberties, freedom of
expression, and free assembly to whom he is bidding to appeal.
The fact that this month's
political rally occurred without incident is a sign that his administration is
more comfortable with liberalization than previous UMNO-led administrations.
While Najib has eased rules regarding the publication of books and newspapers,
the next administration would gain enormous public support by relaxing controls
on grass roots political expression, including allowances for greater citizen
participation in checking and balancing alternative media.
At the same time, many of the
states under Paktan Rakyat's control have experienced administrative
mismanagement, including cases of water shortages that have left people without
basic utilities. Despite claims that it would reduce water tariffs, the PAS-led
administration in Kedah State has instead increased them.
In Selangor, reserve levels of
treated water neared zero because of prolonged spells of hot and dry weather.
Nonetheless, budget restructuring and tight conditions introduced under the
watch of the Selangor government have halted the construction of needed water
treatment plants, despite the current plants running at near maximum operating
and distribution capacity.
Institutions such as the
Malaysian Water Association (MWA) and Syabas (the water concessionaire in
Selangor State) have criticized the Paktan Rakyat-controlled Selangor
government for mismanaging the state's water resources, stating, "either
they don't understand water management or they just refuse to understand. They
are just politicizing it".
Budget restructuring and tight
conditions introduced under the watch of the Selangor government have halted
the construction of needed water treatment plants, despite the current plants
running at near maximum operating and distribution capacity.
The fact that these untested
state governments have mismanaged state resources to the point where people
lose access to necessities like water will not be forgotten among many
Malaysian voters. BN is not a perfect coalition, but its component parties have
over the years demonstrated their capacity to agree on political programs.
The opposition, on the other
hand, is marred not only by disagreements between their component parties but
also with inner party disputes. Though ideologically incompatible, Pakatan
Rakyat's component parties have allied through political necessity to further
their own individual programs and agendas.
Tensions are emerging, however.
PAS members, such as Shahnon Ahmad, have cast doubt on the party for no longer
adhering to the needs of Islam by working together with the DAP. In response,
PAS spiritual leader and veteran politician Nik Aziz referenced how the Prophet
Muhammad cooperated with Jews and non-Muslims in ancient Mecca by signing the
Treaty of Hudaibiya, which was negatively perceived by the Prophet's followers
as a concession to non-Muslim enemies. Aziz was quoted saying, "however,
the Muslims managed to capture the city after that".
To some, Aziz's comments
insinuated that PAS is only cooperating with Paktan Rakyat's component parties
to further its own program of founding an Islamic state governed under hudud
law. PAS has advocated gender segregation, dress code requirements, a crackdown
on high heels and lipstick, banning movie cinemas, and a ban on Valentine's Day,
all of which the party views as immoral.
Such a political program only
appeals to a limited demographic of the Malaysian population, and imposing the
will of Islamists onto non-Muslims would undermine religious freedoms and civil
liberties. The introduction of such laws in a country like Malaysia would thus
represent a dictatorship of a theocratic minority over the multi-faith
majority.
The focus of the next
administration should arguably instead be centered on safeguarding the
religious and cultural freedoms that binds together Malaysian society. Yet
there are questions emerging about Pakatan Rakyat leader Anwar Ibrahim's
liberal credentials, including on issues of dissent and political expression.
The recent lawsuit filed by Anwar
against political scientist Chandra Muzaffar provides one such insight. Anwar
pressed charges against Chandra for saying that his hypothetical tenure as
prime minister after the upcoming polls would be "an unmitigated disaster
for Malaysia".
As deputy prime minister and finance
minister under former authoritarian leader Mahathir Mohamad, Anwar's economic
policies were aligned with international financial institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. Both have historically
dictated structural adjustment policies that cut social services and dismantle
social safety nets in favor of central bankers and private lending
institutions.
Some analysts believe that if
elected Anwar would again align his policies with the IMF, which has called for
the dismantling of Malaysia's subsidy regime. If those policies are pursued in
haste, some believe the nation could face the type of fuel riots that have
rocked Nigeria and Indonesia in recent times, and the vicious anti-austerity
protests that have become commonplace in the European Union members states such
as Greece, Spain, and Portugal.
For all the opposition criticism,
BN has delivered a laudable measure of economic growth and stability. The
ruling coalition's legitimacy is based largely on its ability to deliver
economic development with some of the lowest inflation rates in the world,
unemployment at a meager 2.9%, and steady economic growth of around 5%. Under
Najib's watch, Malaysia has enjoyed a relatively healthy economy in a time of
great global economic uncertainty.
The next administration will need
to find innovative ways to reduce increasing public debt levels, bolster
programs aimed at increasing incomes, and strengthen populist policies and the
social safety net. It will also need to steadfastly maintain the capital
controls imposed under Mahathir that have allowed the nation to navigate
through global economic and financial uncertainty.
The next government will also
need to respond to outside calls for subsidy reform by balancing its budget wisely
while retaining beneficial protectionist measures as it embarks on sweeping
infrastructural projects throughout the country. The bottom line is that many
Malaysians do not feel like the government is listening to their voices, and
that it is more interested in appeasing foreign investors than grassroots
communities.
Amendments such as 114A, which
has been widely perceived to obstruct Internet freedoms, remain highly
unpopular, as does recent news of Malaysia signing onto the controversial
United States-led Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement.
The election, which must be held
by June, is expected to be a tight race, the results of which may drastically
alter the direction of the nation. If Najib is re-elected, his BN-led
administration would capture enormous public confidence if it continued
liberalizing political expression, squashed capital punishment penalties, and
oversaw genuine reform of the police by addressing their spotty custodial death
figures.
To uproot and prevent corruption,
the next government will need to mandate that all contracts be awarded through
open tenders. In that direction, politicians, ministers, and civil society
members should be required to declare their assets, disclose their sources of
political donations, and declare any foreign assistance and bank accounts.
There is a popular call for the
next administration to take a progressive line on past unpopular policies,
whichever coalition is next elected at the ballot box.
Nile Bowie
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