Church now going after lawmakers personally at the ballot box
The Catholic Church in the
Philippines has raised the stakes in its fight against the historic birth
control bill passed in December by the legislature, seeking to use the ballot
box in May 13 general elections to go directly after lawmakers who voted for
the measure.
The midterm election will see 12
senators and 229 members of the House of Representatives as well as governors,
provincial legislatures and mayors facing the voters. The church's decision to
publicly oppose those who voted for the reproductive health act, as it is
known, may be the church's biggest gamble of its influence in modern history.
"The results of the May 2013
election will likely illustrate to what extent the Catholic Church's political
agenda resonates with both voters and politicians," according to a
subscription-only report by the Manila-based country risk firm Pacific
Strategies & Assessments. "While the outcome of the elections are
unlikely to impact the church's popularity, it could affect the church's
political agenda."
Victories by pro-birth control
candidates, the report said, could suggest a decline in church influence and
encourage politicians to push for passage of legislation the religious body
opposes, such as a proposed divorce law that has been stalled in the
legislature for decades. The Philippines is the only country in the world that
hasn't legalized divorce.
Conversely, if the church holds
sway and drives lawmakers from office, other legislation proposed by President
Benigno S. Aquino III including land reform and the regulation of the mining
industry could be affected negatively.
The Conference of Bishops, the
church's ruling body, has already mounted an all-out legal campaign against the
reproductive health act, which Aquino signed into law in January. Ten different
petitions have been filed with the Supreme Court by allies of the church to
attempt to stop the law from going in effect. The court, on March 19, voted to
delay implementation of the measure until oral arguments are held on June 14.
The law mandates that government
health centers provide free access to nearly all contraceptives including
condoms, IUDs and other devices to everyone. It also makes sexual education
compulsory in public schools.
The electoral focus of the
church's campaign so far has been the city of Bacolod, with 511,000 residents,
the capital of Negros Occidental Province in the Western Visayas Region. In
February the Bacolod Diocese posted a giant tarpaulin in front of the San
Sebastian Cathedral, listing the names of lawmakers who had voted for the bill
and calling them "Team Buhay," or "Team Death." Lawmakers
who voted against it were identified as "Team Patay," or "Team
Life."
At least 60 churches in the
diocese have posted smaller Team Patay posters in the effort to oust lawmakers
who voted for the legislation. Political observers have described the effort by
the church as unprecedented in Philippine politics. In the past the church has
never campaigned against candidates by name, instead listing the traits voters
should look for in candidates.
The Bacolod campaign almost
immediately ran into heavy going from a group calling itself "Team
Tatay," or "team father," identifying five Bacolod priests
including three bishops, an archbishop, a retired bishop and one priest who
allegedly have sired children. Married priests have long been a widely
suspected phenomenon in the Philippines. Indeed, Team Tatay said it would
unmask further married priests if the Team Patay campaign continues.
Undeterred, another five dioceses
are said to be planning to join the Bacolod campaign. According to the news
site Rappler, they are in Marinduque, Occidental Mindoro, Bulacan, Laguna and
Batangas, three of them among the country's most populous provinces.
The church's influence in the
past played a major role in ousting the strongman Ferdinand Marcos in 1986,
when he was forced to flee the country in the so-called People Power revolution
which brought millions of Filipinos to the streets to protest his policies. The
church also played a major role in driving Joseph Estrada from power in 2001
after he was accused of corruption and an impeachment campaign against him
failed.
However, the church's gamble in
the May elections could be chancy. Although 81 percent of Filipinos classify
themselves as Catholics, as many as seven of 10 polled indicated they supported
the passage of the reproductive health act, according to Rom Dongeto, the
executive director of Philippine Legislators' Committee for Population and
Development (PLCPD), an NGO that is one of the strongest proponents of the law.
Half of Filipinos who marry today do so in civil ceremonies, or don't wed at
all, which fits with statistics that show 20 percent of the country's births
are out of wedlock.
It might be ominous for the
church that the Conference of Bishops last year mounted an all-out campaign
when it became clear that Aquino would attempt to push through its passage,
with parish priests all across the country denouncing the measure from the
pulpit on a weekly basis.
Apparently the flock didn't get
the message. They certainly didn't turn on the President. Despite the church's
campaign, Aquino pushed the bill through with relative ease. And, despite
threats - not carried out - by the church to excommunicate the president, he
remains extremely popular with the voters. In the latest Pulse Asia survey, his
overall rating climbed from 66 percent in January to 68 percent today, with his
undecided rating falling by four points. Getting their parishioners to vote to
drive his political allies from office may be more difficult than church
leaders think.
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