As
a journalist who writes on military and geopolitical affairs, I have written
many commentaries on the implications of China's growth and concurrent military
development. These draw responses - sometimes angry ones - from readers and
Chinese officials.
Earlier this month, I wrote about the United
States' so-called AirSea Battle concept that would offset China's military
power. I argued that if such a strategy resulted in the US reducing its
presence in Asia, it would be bad news for many Asian countries, given growing
Chinese assertiveness.
An irate reader berated me: "Who are you?
Are you an Angst Mor (sic) or what? Are you not born to Chinese parents? Do you
not have Chinese roots?"
Earlier this year, at a seminar in Beijing on
arms control, I asked a Chinese academic to explain just what China understood
by the phrase "military transparency". A Chinese diplomat took
umbrage at this and asked: "Whose question is this? I wonder (about) his
identity. This question should have come from North America or Western
Europe."
Should a writer on world issues who happens to
be ethnically Chinese, think along racial lines? To cut to the chase, should he
be more welcoming and less questioning about China's rise?
The answer is clearly "no".
Beijing at various times in its history may
choose to celebrate the kinship and ethnic links between mainland Chinese and
their global diaspora estimated to number 50 million, termed huaqiao or
overseas Chinese. Much was made, for example, of the new US ambassador to China
Gary Locke's Chinese origin, even though he was born in the US and is an
American citizen. No one except the naive would assume from his ethnicity that
he would be less likely to be a vigorous champion of American interests
vis-a-vis China.
China itself practises a double standard when
it comes to treating huaqiao. Initially, Beijing warmed to the idea of Mr Gao
Xingjian winning the 2000 Nobel Prize in literature. But its reception turned
frosty when Mr Gao, who became a French national in 1997, was described as a
Chinese political dissident.
Huaqiao should not expect to get any special
treatment in China. China scholars note that two prominent huaqiao - Australian
mining executive Stern Hu and American geologist Xue Feng - were detained for
various reasons in China, and their treatment was less than ideal.
China - and modern nations - may not have been
party to the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia. But China and Singapore, and most
countries today, understand that in a global order founded on the nation-state,
national interest trumps ethnicity.
Two years ago, netizens in China chose to be
unhappy with remarks made by former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, when he said
the US should remain engaged in Asia to "strike a balance" vis-a-vis
China.
Speaking to Asahi Shimbun newspaper later, Mr
Lee said: "I am saying what I am saying not because I am Chinese or
because I am anti-China, but because I represent Singapore, and this is in my
national interest - that there should be a balance in the Pacific."
In the book Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths To Keep
Singapore Going, he stressed that there was a clear distinction between
mainland Chinese and their Singaporean cousins. "Are we Chinese? Yes,
ethnically. Can we sit down with the Chinese and really feel part of them? Not
possible. Because you speak Chinese? No. Your major premises are in your
mind."
This is not to say that ethnic Chinese should
not feel a sense of kinship with China. Beijing's success in hosting the 2008
Olympics for example, was celebrated by many Chinese of all nationalities
worldwide. Many ethnic Chinese also want to go to China, if only to see for
themselves what the land of their ancestors has become.
But sentiments aside, it would be a foolish
diplomat or trade negotiator, who lets race colour his view of just what is in
the national interest.
And it would be a very foolish - and not
credible - journalist who lets his race shape his assessment of global trends.
William Choong
The Straits Times
Business & Investment Opportunities
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