Rising
expectations in the face of increasing competition
For the past two decades China has been a
poster child of successful globalization, integrating with the world and in the
process lifting millions of citizens out of poverty. But China’s integration
into the world economy and global trends both drive and constrain Beijing’s
ability to manage growing social, economic and political challenges.
Global trends affect all nations, but China
may be uniquely vulnerable to developments beyond its borders and beyond its
control. Chinese leaders recognize the diversity and complexity of the
challenges they face but appear determined to confront them individually and
incrementally. How – and how well – they respond to those challenges will have
significant consequences of China and the world.
Many of these challenges center on rising
expectations in the face of increasing competition.
Thanks to a fortuitous combination of wise
decisions and good timing, China has made phenomenal progress in the three
decades since Deng Xiaoping launched the policy of reform and opening to the
outside world in 1978.
More Chinese citizens live better today than
ever before and many more expect to join the privileged ranks of the middle
class. Aspirations and expectations have never been higher. That’s a very good
situation to be in, but it also entails enormous challenges for China’s leaders
because several trends indicate that meeting expectations could become
increasingly difficult.
Specifically, China will find it increasingly
difficult to sustain past rates of growth and improvements in living standards.
One visible trend results from the strategic
decision to take on the easiest tasks first in order to produce an “early
harvest” of tangible benefits that build experience and confidence to tackle
the next set of challenges. By design, each successive set of challenges is
more difficult than the ones that preceded it.
There are many different manifestations of
this phenomenon, including the decision to focus on the more developed coastal
areas and move inward to less-developed regions characterized by less
infrastructure, poorer nutrition and less education. Other manifestations
include the consequences of joining international production chains as low-cost
assemblers of goods that are designed, manufactured and marketed elsewhere.
Sustained success requires moving up technical and managerial ladders to
perform more demanding and better paying tasks. Other daunting challenges
result from policies that have deliberately constrained domestic demand with
predictable consequences that include increasing inflationary pressures and a
nationwide property bubble.
A second category of challenges results from
the fact that China now has, and will continue to have, more competition than
in the past. When Deng announced the decision to pursue the longstanding goal
of self-strengthening by following the model of Japan, Taiwan and other rapid
modernizers, he was responding to a de facto invitation from the Carter
administration for China to take advantage of “free world” economic opportunities
without becoming an ally or having to change its political system.
This gave China a 10-year head start with
virtually no competition until the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War
ended. China made good use of this opportunity and has since taken advantage of
experience and ties forged with foreign partners before Central European states
and the states of the former Soviet Union joined the game.
India, Brazil, Indonesia and other
“non-aligned” states stayed out of the game for a few years longer, thereby
increasing China’s advantages. Now there are more players and potential
competitors climbing the learning curve more rapidly than they otherwise might
have done because they can learn from China’s experience. Foreign investors and
international production chains now have far more options than they did when
China was essentially the only large developing country in the game.
A third set of challenges centers on
demographic trends and implications. One is the oft-cited but nonetheless
extraordinary challenge of being the first country in history to have a
population that becomes old before it becomes rich. Many countries have graying
populations – Japan and South Korea in Northeast Asia and most of Western
Europe – but the others are much more highly developed than China and have
extensive social safety nets to meet the needs of their senior citizens.
China’s one-child-per-couple-policy has accelerated a demographic shift that
normally occurs in response to higher standards of living, greater educational
and employment opportunities for women, and the independent choices of millions
of people.
China must put in place an extensive and
costly system to support its elderly – reducing the amount of money and other
resources available for other goals – or live with the consequences of making
individuals and couples responsible for the wellbeing of parents and
grandparents. This challenge is compounded by the broader consequences of
becoming a society in which there are few siblings, cousins, aunts, uncles or
other relatives beyond the nuclear family.
A fourth challenge derives from the highly
centralized character of China’s political system. For three decades, China
arguably has been able to develop as quickly as it has because it is a unitary
state – not a federal system in which the provinces have significant
independent authority – with a single-party regime. This facilitates timely and
decisive action in response to perceived needs and opportunities and makes it
easier to coordinate multiple components of an increasingly complex system.
There are advantages to this type of system,
but also risks and costs. One set of risks results from the fact that “all” key
decisions must be made at the apex of the system by a relatively small number
of officials who have only finite time, attention and knowledge. As China has
become more modern and prosperous, it has also become more diverse. Different
locales, sectors of the economy, interest groups and other constituencies have
diverse expectations of the political system. Keeping the many concerns and
requirements straight, and successfully juggling and balancing competing
demands, will continue to become more complex and difficult.
As this happens, it will intensify another
challenge, namely, the challenge of being “right” most of the time with little
to no cushion for error. Systems with distributed authority are more
cumbersome, but they avoid single points of failure. The danger of single-point
failure increases as the complexity of issues, number of competing viewpoints
and volume of information increases. Logically, the chance of mistakes
increases as decisions become more demanding. Theoretically, there exists a
point in any system at which the system can be overwhelmed by the magnitude of
the task. The eurozone crisis may be a cautionary example.
Recognizing these challenges should not be
read as a pessimistic prediction of inevitable failure. Indeed, the fact that
looming but not yet imminent challenges are already the subject of study,
deliberation and debate around the world increases the likelihood of avoiding
the most negative or disruptive consequences; mitigating those that cannot be
avoided entirely; and capitalizing on the many positive trends toward greater
cooperation, acceptance of interdependencies and ability to learn from others’
experiences.
Clearly discernible trends point to common
interests and opportunities for cooperation as well as to challenges of unprecedented
complexity. Whether China continues to eschew active engagement to address
challenges at the global level in order to concentrate on domestic problems
will shape possibilities for international cooperation. So, too, will actions
of other nations that help or hinder China’s ability to solve its problems.
Thomas Fingar
Asia Sentinel
(Thomas Fingar is the inaugural
Oksenberg-Rohlen Distinguished Fellow in the Freeman Spogli Institute for
International Studies at Stanford University. This is reprinted with permission
from the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization.)
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