MANILA - US-based
tobacco giant Philip Morris International (PMI) rolled out a US$300 million
tobacco factory in the Philippines in 2003, then the company's single biggest
investment in Asia.
The plant, in a township south of Manila, now produces 30 billion
cigarettes annually but faces growing resistance to expanding that lucrative
local market.
In the same year that the plant opened, anti-smoking groups notched a
major advocacy victory with the passage of the Philippine Tobacco Regulations
Act (PTRA). The law, a product of around three decades of campaigning by mostly
non-governmental groups on the health risks of smoking, heavily restricts the
sale and promotion of tobacco, especially among youth, and legally bans smoking
in all public areas.
Despite that legislation, cigarette consumption nine years later is
still high in the Philippines, with over one-third of the population regularly
puffing. The country has the second-highest tobacco consumption rate in
Southeast Asia, lagging only Indonesia. The World Health Organization (WHO) and
the Department of Health (DoH) estimate smoking-related illnesses and
productivity losses cost the Philippines over 300 billion pesos (US$7 billion)
per year - an estimate the local tobacco lobby has questioned.
The DoH has blamed tobacco companies' strong influence over Philippine
politics, including compromised legislators, as one main reason why
tobacco-control regulations have failed to deter smokers. A senior government
health official in an interview with Asia Times Online accused some legislators
of receiving funds from pro-tobacco lobbyists to attend committee hearings and
block the introduction of new tobacco controls and taxes.
"What used to be simple committee hearings that would be run by
two to three congressmen attended by no more than 20 are now having 30
congressmen in attendance," said the senior official, who requested
anonymity. "They're no longer ashamed of saying that they're also paid off
by the lobby," the official claimed. The health committee and the ways and
means committee are the two bodies in congress that hear proposed anti-tobacco
legislation.
Maricar Limpin, executive director of Framework Convention on Tobacco
Control Alliance Philippines (FCAP), a non-governmental organization, said
local cigarette firms conduct "direct lobbying" by approaching
legislators to vote against any new anti-tobacco initiatives.
She claimed that at least one influential person who previously served
as a legal counsel for a tobacco firm has blocked various legislative proposals
to stiffen existing tobacco controls.
"Whenever there's a hearing, even on the committee level, they
really come in full force," Limpin said, comparing the high attendance to
the frequent absenteeism among legislators during regular legislative sessions.
Lawmakeres from the tobacco-growing north of the country, have argued that
further restrictions on the local tobacco industry would result in massive
economic losses and unemployment among farmers.
Apart from blocking new regulations and taxes, anti-smoking advocates
here argue that tobacco companies have failed to fully comply with the PTRA.
The industry is represented in the interagency committee that oversees the
actual implementation of the PTRA, which anti-smoking advocates say allows
tobacco firms to influence compliance with the law. Cigarette companies are
also known to employ the country's best-heeled law firms to represent them in
cases related to the PTRA.
PMI, known locally as Philip Morris Philippine Manufacturing, or PMPMI,
declined to answer questions - including allegations that the industry
maintains influence over certain congressman - for this article. PMPMI, which
merged with Fortune Tobacco company in 2010, now controls more than 92% of the
country's US$1.7 billion tobacco market.
Regulatory wrangle
Anti-smoking advocates believe the industry, represented mainly by
PMPMI, is now actively bidding to undermine the PTRA. Similar restrictions and
lawsuits that have ruled in favor and paid massive damages to smoking victims
in the United States have crippled the parent company's position there, forcing
the company to seek new markets in the less-regulated developing world.
It is a business strategy that has paid huge dividends for PMI in the
Philippines. In 2011, PMI president Chris Nelson noted in a local television
interview that leaders from tobacco-growing areas have met with the Metro
Manila Development Authority to seek clarification on the ban on smoking in
public areas. The ban, similar to those imposed in many Western countries, has
been highly criticized and even challenged in court by industry
representatives.
PMPMI's website says: "While we support comprehensive, effective
tobacco regulation, we do not support regulation that prevents adults from buying
and using tobacco products or that imposes unnecessary impediments to the
operation of the legitimate tobacco market. In that regard, we oppose measures
such as generic packaging, point of sale display bans, total bans on
communications to adult consumers, and bans on the use of all ingredients in
tobacco products."
Around 40 countries worldwide at present legally require locally sold
cigarette packs to include often graphic picture warnings depicting the risks
of smoking. Similar warnings were ordered by the Philippine DoH in 2010, but
tobacco companies have challenged the order in court. Two local courts have
issued a restraining order on the picture warnings while another has decided in
favor of the industry. Tobacco companies also demanded the removal of then
health secretary Esperanza Cabral, who issued the order and is a known
anti-smoking advocate.
Legislation that aims to increase taxes for tobacco products,
meanwhile, is still being debated in congress. Seven different versions of the
"sin" tax reform have in recent years been proposed but dissenters
have stalled the legislation's approval and implementation.
At the same time, the tobacco industry has gone into public relations
overdrive. Protobex Asia and Inter-Tabac Asia 2012, reportedly the largest
international tobacco trade fair ever to be held anywhere in the world, will
take place in Manila at the state-run Philippine International Convention
Center (PICC) later this month. FCAP has protested the move and asked the
government to cancel the event, arguing that under the WHO's Framework
Convention on Tobacco Control a government facility is not allowed to hold such
an exhibit.
To be sure, the tobacco lobby was strong even before PMPMI came to
dominate the local market. Research by the University of Sydney in 2004
referred to the Philippine tobacco industry as the "strongest lobby in
Asia". The report described how tobacco firms took advantage of a
corruption-plagued government to advance their interests and thwart anti-tobacco
legislation by making political donations. More recent studies by anti-tobacco
advocacy groups have underscored and updated the 2004 report's academic
findings.
Death and taxes
At the same time, it is debatable how big an impact tougher
anti-tobacco regulations would have on the wider Philippine economy, as some
legislators have warned. The website of the National Tobacco Authority, a
government office, estimates the current number of tobacco farmers at 43,960
and about 300, 000 members of their families as dependent on the tobacco
industry. The figure represents a tiny share of the country's estimated 40
million workforce.
On the other hand, the WHO and DoH estimate smoking-related diseases
and related productivity losses at over 300 billion pesos per year.
Smoking-related deaths are also high, with 10 Filipinos dying of lung cancer,
cardiovascular diseases and stroke every hour, according to the WHO. The
government currently earns around 25 billion pesos per year in taxes from the
industry, an amount that proposed sin tax hikes would aim to increase
substantially.
Lucio Tan, owner of Fortune Tobacco, the Philippines' largest tobacco
company until its February 2010 merger with PMI, is among the country's best
politically connected businessmen. Since the merger, Tan and PMPMI have devised
more aggressive measures to market their tobacco products. Critics say a move
to sell half-sized packages, reduced from 20 to 10 sticks per pack, aims to
make cigarettes more accessible for cash-strapped youth. Already cigarettes are
sold on a per stick basis by informal vendors on Philippine street corners.
Former health undersecretary Alexander Padilla believes that Philippine
tobacco firms are now less concerned with targeting adult smokers and have
refocused their marketing on youth as "replacement smokers because they
will be the future moguls and businessmen who will buy their products".
Cigarettes are comparatively cheap in the Philippines, with a pack of
20 sticks costing roughly 28 to 35 pesos. (Higher taxed packs in the US now
sell for five to 10 times as much, depending on the particular state.)
Those low prices - and high tobacco company profits - are directly
related to the exceptionally low taxes imposed on Philippine tobacco products.
The present tobacco tax is anachronistically based on 1996 retail prices, when
cigarettes cost a mere 5 pesos per pack, way below the current 35-40 peso per
pack rate. Anti-tobacco lobbyists have continually and so far unsuccessfully
pushed for tax reforms, as measures taken by other countries prove that higher
taxes and cigarette prices encourages smokers, especially students, to quit the
habit.
The WHO estimates that the Philippine government could generate
revenues as high as 100 billion pesos annually from higher taxes on cigarettes.
Advocate Limpin said President Benigno Aquino, a smoker himself but sympathetic
to anti-tobacco measures, has suggested the government could use revenues
generated from higher tobacco taxes for his proposed universal healthcare plan.
Tobacco firms, however, are fighting back against higher tax bills and
greater legal liability. In one well-publicized case, a lower court last year
issued a restraining order against the Metro Manila Development Authority from
apprehending people caught smoking in public areas, including transport
terminals. In a direct challenge to the PTRA, a PMPMI office worker and a
security guard filed two separate cases against their arresting officers.
Although they were both charged with smoking in a public place in their
personal capacities, PMPMI paid their legal fees.
Cher S Jimenez
Asia Times
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