MYANMAR’S political landscape is changing.
The speed of change is debatable; for some it is too fast, while for others it
is too slow and nothing has changed on the ground. I believe that as long as
commitments to reforms are followed through on a continual basis, speed of
change should not matter so much.
The
challenge for Myanmar is not the speed of change but the types of changes that
are introduced. While reforms are introduced to bring democracy, how can
Myanmar maintain its cultural and traditional characteristics and social
values? Will the unique cultures of its many ethnic groups be preserved? How
can Myanmar make sure that its cities do not become run-of-the-mill Southeast
Asian metropolises?
It is
one year since a new chapter began in the contemporary history of Myanmar with
the transition of power to a mostly civilian government consisting of many
ex-military officials. It was seen as a farce by almost everyone inside and
outside the country. But the sweeping political reforms introduced by this new
government caught everyone by surprise. It is clear that the seven-step Roadmap
to Democracy was implemented as planned. The new government is firmly committed
to addressing the shortcomings in governance and administration of the former
military regime. Myanmar is gradually facing up to its development challenges.
There is still scepticism in some quarters and this is unlikely to disappear
any time soon. But it is time for the international community to move on and
accept the fact that changes taking place in Myanmar are real. This must be
taken at face value.
Over
the past few decades the world has seen a massive shift in international
development policy. The neo-liberal concept of democracy, individual freedom
and a free market economy have been marketed globally as an interlinked
commodity without which mankind could not survive. China, which was treated as
a pariah state and is still criticised for its Communist political system, is
now the biggest international lender and holds shares in almost all major
multinational companies. Malaysia and Singapore have also flourished with a
governance system that is distinctly different from the Western concept of
democracy. Vietnam is yet another case where a country has defied some widely
held democratic principles but still made economic progress.
As
Myanmar opens its doors to the international community – especially for
political dialogue, trade and commerce – there is a need to take rational and
not emotional decisions to entice investors. As we have discovered in recent
years, democracy promoted as a package with free trade and a market economy has
simply promoted individualism, inequity, and an economic survival of the
fittest. The problems of Greece, Ireland and Iceland are glaring examples of
the failures of modern-day economies tied to free trade and democracy. For
Myanmar, as a newcomer to the democratic stage, there are many examples from
which it could learn – and avoid becoming subservient to the preachers of
democracy and neo liberal free market economists, a fate that many have
succumbed to.
Myanmar
has always been a recipient of low levels of official development assistance.
Despite six decades of neglect by the international community, Myanmar’s
infrastructure and social indicators, while not without problems, still compare
favourably to countries with similar economies in Asia and Africa where
billions of dollars have been invested.
Now
that Myanmar has embarked into political and economic reforms, greater
development efforts are bound to appear. Myanmar's leadership must make sure
that the negative impacts of these programs are mitigated and minimised to the
largest extent possible by putting in place strict regulatory mechanisms. It
might put off some foreign governments and activist groups, but that is the
price Myanmar has to pay.
The neo
liberal economist recommends excess choice in the name of freedom to choose but
this only encourages excess consumerism, widens social division and relies upon
linear growth (which is impossible) without consideration for the spread of
wealth. Myanmar has great potential to grow on its own as it has abundant
natural resources for which there are competing buyers. There are many
companies that will soon be on Myanmar’s doorstep to sell their products. Myanmar
needs technical know-how and high-tech products to develop its industries and
benefit its population. Myanmar should not fall into the trap of consumerism.
Protection
of indigenous companies and the environment is unfortunately not part of the
free trade model. Selling natural resources and in return importing finished
product would be suicidal for Myanmar. As Myanmar liberalises its economy, the
focus must be on job creation and fair trade. This job creation must aim at
medium to high end products for both local and export markets and not
exploitative jobs for teenagers to languish in sweatshops. With labour costs
climbing in China, Myanmar would easily be the next target for cheap labour but
this is something Myanmar must try and avoid.
The
first step for Myanmar should be to create a legislative environment that
protects its natural resources, people and investors on equal terms. Myanmar
still has time to take control of the situation and make a balanced decision.
This may be difficult because many will want to make a quick buck, including
those local business owners who plan to partner with external companies. The
government is sure to be criticised as going back to its old habits. This is
the criticism that the government will have to live with in order to build its
economy and protect its citizens in order to achieve long term benefits.
Actions taken now will protect Myanmar from long term negative consequences for
generations to come.
In
developing countries, the development of private companies and civil society
organisations is seen as a cure-all. Civil society organisations are certainly
important as they complement the efforts of the government but providing basic
services to the public is primarily the government’s responsibility, especially
when it comes to health and education.
Myanmar
needs to fix some basic issues as an urgent priority. There is a wide gap in
transition from primary to secondary to higher education. Myanmar needs to
prepare a human resources development plan that realistically complements the
president’s stated vision for a knowledge-based society. The basic
infrastructure exists for the primary education but massive investment is
needed to improve the quality of secondary and tertiary education. Similar
investment will be needed in the health sector. To develop and maintain
democratic governance a strong and skilled middle class will be required, and
it can only be built through high-quality education.
Myanmar’s
mosaic of 135 ethnic groups, each with their own traditional practices,
cultures and languages, must be preserved. The recent past may not have created
the best environment for collaboration and cooperation but there is little
choice for Myanmar as a union. The recent ceasefires with some of the most
heavily armed ethnic groups are encouraging. All ethnic-based leaderships must
develop a political agenda that includes cooperation with the national and
state governments. Thus far we have seen mostly a push for independence or
autonomy to gain financial control in the areas under their jurisdiction. The
current level of loose association based on local economic interest is no
longer sufficient to build a union as declared in the constitution. There must
be give and take from all parties concerned. There are also still many spoilers
– external and internal – who are benefiting from a divided Myanmar. The blind
support that these groups have received from the international community
despite their lack of political will to settle the differences must come to an
end.
The
promulgation of the new constitution with decentralised administration is a
good step that will allow for the devolution of authority to clean and
transparent governments at the region and state level. These local assemblies
must exercise their authority in the interests of the nation and their
constituents. However, the central government needs to ensure that income from
natural resources is shared equitably with regional governments to fuel their
development agendas. This kind of distribution of wealth is essential to
encourage fairness and build trust.
No
government can fully meet the expectations of its people and Myanmar will be no
exception. There will be high expectations, there will be external pressure to
do more and there will be pressure to open up for trade and investment. All
decisions must be rational and informed. Emotions and pressure should not get
in the way of making the right choices. The government must take the time to
bring about proper regulatory mechanisms and legislation before taking serious
decisions on trade, investment and other national policies.
An
immediate national issue is energy. Myanmar needs a huge supply of energy to
sustain industrialisation and economic growth for the millions of people whose
homes are dark every evening when the sun goes down. Myanmar immediately needs
a national energy policy to make sure that its hydropower potential is fully
utilised both for domestic consumption and for export of excess power generated
to neighbouring countries. This national policy need to make sure that proper
environmental assessments are conducted and mitigation measures introduced.
There should be a proper compensation plan for people who are likely to be
displaced as a result of these projects. I believe that these issues are already
in the minds of bureaucrats and technocrats, who are the custodians of
Myanmar’s future. There will be opposition from environmentalists but we need
to use our heads and not our hearts for some of these hard choices.
The
bottom line is that Myanmar has to move on but at its own pace and with the
welfare of its 60 million people in mind. Short-term benefits should not be
sought at the expense of long term economic gains and political stability.
Ramesh
Shrestha
(Ramesh
Shrestha is the representative of the United Nations Children’s Fund in
Myanmar.)
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