When opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of
National League of Democracy, receives her Nobel Peace Prize and gives an
address to the House of Commons in England, it will mark an historic moment for
Southeast Asia.
Never
before has such an opposition politician bestows such honors. Over the past
several months, ASSK has dominated the news headlines both at home and abroad.
Her meetings with numerous world leaders visiting Myanmar in dove got more
coverage than the leaders dwelled in the capital city, Nayphidaw. Some European
leaders even sidelined protocol and showed their preference by spending extra
hours with her--or be seen with her--at the famous lake-side house than the
hosts up in the North.
Apparently
she is walking the same path set forth by another Nobel laureate Nelson Mandela
before her although their political struggles are quite different. She wants
democracy through non-violence means but he wanted an end to apartheid by any
means. At this juncture, it is still early to say whether she could achieve the
same level of influence and goodwill as hm. Undeniably, though, South Africa's
overall status in Africa and the world has been uplift many folds due to his
true charisma and the spirit of reconciliation, which has earned him a world
statesman. Pretoria has wisely used global goodwill spouting from Mandela's
aura to promote national development and attract investment in all fields.
Apart from the much-heralded World Cup in 2010, Mandela also played a major
role in bolstering South Africa's international standings as part of the G-20
and the new power bloc known as BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South
Africa). Through anti-apartheid political struggles and message of forgiveness,
the first black South African president travelled the world and won accolades
everywhere he touched down, bringing home international more support and
sympathy.
In a
similar vein, ASSK is rising. She is taking her charm and peaceful democratic
struggle abroad, as an elected member of Hlyutaw or parliament, with her
week-long foreign trip in 24 years--first to Thailand and later on to Switzerland,
Norway, UK and Ireland. Both Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein were scheduled to
speak at the World Economic Forum for East Asia this week in Bangkok. Her
informal visit to Thailand has a deep symbolic meaning as both countries share
2400-kilometre border where many ethnic groups are based. Any successful
reconciliation plan with minorities in the frontier would need Thai support.
Furthermore,
Thein Sein and ASSK appearance at the renowned economic forum would greatly
augment the international community's confidence on continued reform in
Myanmar. As long as the two still trust each other, the general goodwill
towards this once pariah state will be maintained. Within a brief period, both
have made Myanmar grown into the regional and global community albeit armed
conflicts with ethnic groups and human rights violations.
After
Bangkok, she will leave for an extended visit to Europe that would further
raise her international profile. Apart from addressing the International Labor
Organization in Geneva, she is scheduled to attend a function host the Nobel
Peace Prize committee in Oslo on 16 June, nearly 21 years after she was named
as the winner in1991. At that time she was under house arrested and was unable
to travel abroad. Then she will speak at the British Parliament followed by a
brief visit to Ireland. As the first Asean politician to be a Nobel laureate,
she provides the much-needed impetus to the democratic development and
inspiration inside the Asean members. Akin to democratic Indonesia that
successfully reinvented itself from the lowest denominator to the grouping's
major driving force, Value-added ASSK would further boost Myanmar's position in
Asean as well as its reputation in the global community.
But to
ensure a maximum outcome, ASSK, has to increase her own
"connectivity"—to borrow the Asean jargon--with the Asean region and
its 600 million citizens. For the time being, she has much in common with the
norms and standards in the West. As time goes by, she will grow closer with the
region, which once discarded her. Ironically, Asean is the exactly the kind of
organization she could one day shape and influence. When Myanmar takes up the
Asean chair in 2014, Nayphidaw and herself can contribute to the Asean openness
and integration, if they so desire. In case her political future continues to
blossom, she could become the country's future leader whic will allow her to
directly set the grouping's agenda. Eventually, she could become the most
popular politician in Asean.
After
her first meeting with Thein Sein in last August, Asean lowered its guards and
become more supportive of her democratic struggle. From 1990-2011, her
relations with Asean and its leaders were nightmarish. Both sides avoided one
another ever since the infamous aborted meeting in July 1995 between her and
Yangon-based Asean diplomats. At the time, Asean gave in to Myanmar's
pressure—favoring the junta than a lone opposition leader. In February, she
held talks with Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, Secretary General of Asean for the first
time, breaking the ice of frozen ties. After the meeting, Surin was succinct in
describing ASSY and her role: "She can energize the Myanmese body politic
and also rejuvenate hope for all people of Asean, particularly the marginalized
and the down-trodden. She is an icon of democracy for her people, and a beacon
of hope for 600 million people of Asean and beyond!".
Since
then, she made more comments on Asean. When she met a group of Asean-based
business leaders in February, she revealed her "simple ambition" of
wanting to see Myanmar further developed and hopefully overtaken some of the
Asean members in the next 10 years. Her dream could come true if the
reformation is irreversible along with the process of democratization,
effectively ending all Western sanctions.
In
retrospect, given her status and political role she is playing now, some of the
Asean leaders owed her an apology for making intimidating comments against her
when she was under incarceration. Prior to her release, the Asean leaders
avoided meeting with her. Back then Thai former prime minister Chuan Leekphai
was the only Asean leader refused to visit Myanmar during his premiership
(1997-2000) because he was not allowed to see her. After 12 years, Chuan
eventually met her in Yangon early this year.
Through
thick and thin, ASSK has manifested that she is a transformational leader in
character, playing by the rule and followed pacifist ways to win over her
adversary. She is different from some power-hungry Southeast Asian leaders who
go after economic growth as the only redemption for their tight-fist rule that
often trumps human rights and democracy. Whether the region is witnessing a new
stewardship in Asean in the making will depend on her learning curve and
ability to define her role beyond her country. Of course, as the opposition
leader, she must show first and foremost her ability to realize national
reconciliation and bringing well-beings to her people and subsequently others
in the region.
The
Nation
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