For the first time in its 45-year history, the annual meeting of the
ASEAN foreign ministers last week in the Cambodian capital of Phnom Penh has
failed to adopt an agreed upon final communiqué.
In the past years, this
pre-cooked document has served as a summing up of the achieved agreements
during the past working year, and an outline of matters that still need to be
tackled.
Unresolved issues were not
mentioned or included in the final communiqué. Most probably, there was this
unflagging optimism as part of the region's social culture that unresolved
problems in due time would find their natural solutions. In sum, that is the
traditional ASEAN way.
That cozy ASEAN way was shattered
in Phnom Penh. The Philippines and Vietnam insisted that their recent clashes
with China should be mentioned and included in the final communiqué.
Last April, Chinese and
Philippine government ships were in a confrontational mode over Scarborough
Shoal. Chinese maps refer to this string of sandbanks as Huanyang.
The strategic issue is the legal
ownership of potential reserves of oil and gas — so far unproven — that may be
discovered in the exclusive economic zone of Scarborough Shoal (or Huayang),
which depends on the national flag that is planted on the string of sandbanks.
Philippino Foreign Minister Albert del Rosario was indeed blunt — and very
un-ASEAN — when he directly accused the Chair, Cambodia's foreign minister Hor
Namhong, of “consistently defending China's interest”.
The Chair has refused to comply
with the wishes of the Philippines and Vietnam although the South China Sea
issue was mentioned in the Chairman's (Indonesia) statement after the ASEAN
Summit in Bali last November.
Vietnam's clash with China
erupted after Chinese vessels interfered with Vietnamese drilling operations in
what Hanoi claimed as its exclusive economic zone. The Vietnam case is a very
unique example of modern history's vagaries. Vietnam succeeded in overcoming
the devastating onslaught unleashed by the US and achieved a strategic victory.
Now a united Vietnam is embracing her former staunch enemy. War vessels of the
US Seventh Fleet have been festively welcomed as they reentered Cam Ranh Bay.
The reason is obvious — Hanoi is hedging its bets against Vietnam's traditional
adversary, China. However, simultaneously, Hanoi is maintaining a
party-to-party back channel with Beijing, which is a brilliant application of
Indonesia's concept of “dynamic equilibrium”.
There are, at least, two
approaches in viewing the un-ASEAN events in Phnom Penh. The benign approach
would explain the failure to produce the traditional final communiqué at the
end of the annual foreign ministers’ meeting as a sign of ASEAN’s maturity.
Now, serious differences are not papered over.
The second approach views the
events in Phnom Penh more realistically and as events that we should heed
seriously. Phnom Penh, this view submits, is a preliminary skirmish that
juxtaposes China and the US. We could see a noticeable upward trend of US
rebalancing moves toward the Asia-Pacific region: starting with Secretary
Hillary Clinton’s statement at the Asian Regional Forum in Hanoi, July 2010,
that heralded the US’ commitment to uphold the principle of the freedom of the
seas in the East Asia-Pacific region.
US President Barack Obama sounded
the clarion call in Canberra when delivering a major speech before the
parliament: “The United States is a Pacific nation ... and will remain a
Pacific nation.” Never mind that the speech was also meant as a celebration of
the 60-year US-Australia Defense Pact, a product of the Cold War era.
Probably, to convince Asian
countries that perhaps tend to be skeptical about Washington's seriousness, US
Defense Secretary Leon Panetta as the first speaker at the annual Shangri-La
Dialogue in Singapore early last month clearly outlined the US force
restructuring as part of the defense rebalancing: 60 percent of the US naval
forces will be assigned in the Asia-Pacific theater and 40 percent in the
Atlantic-European theater.
Could it be that the Philippines,
ever so receptive and appreciative of the US’ rhetoric and movements, has
become emboldened and decided to discard ASEAN’s non-confrontational approach?
Is China now calling the US
bluff, of course not openly or confrontationally, but true to Mao Zedong's
doctrine of a people's war, just nibbling at the edges, using ASEAN as a safe
chess board since Cambodia, as Chair, is a convenient chess piece?
If this diplomatic guerrilla war
between Washington and Beijing continues unchecked, it could be the beginning
of the end for ASEAN. That is why we wholeheartedly support Foreign Minister
Marty Natalegawa's line of thinking as conveyed to the media. He worked hard up
to the last minute to save what still could be saved. He said: “Once the dust
settles, we have to ask ourselves, what next? We need to be clear on what is
ASEAN's interest in this issue. We [ASEAN] need to assert our centrality.”
In order to safeguard ASEAN’s
centrality, we like to suggest that Marty persuade President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono to embark on crisis diplomacy. He could convince the President that a
direct meeting with Prime Minister Hun Sen in Phnom Penh and President Benigno
Aquino III in Manila would contain the crisis in its initial stage before
spreading like cancer.
In his dinner speech on the eve
of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, Yudhoyono presented “An Architecture
for Durable Peace in the Asia Pacific”. He said, among other things, “As we
strive to build a durable architecture for peace, we now have before us a
strategic opportunity to usher in the geopolitics of cooperation”. It is quite
obvious that this opportunity should be immediately grasped before ASEAN falls into
disarray.
SABAM SIAGIAN
The writer is co-chairman of the
Indonesian Forum of (Retired) Ambassadors. He served as ambassador to
Australia. This essay was first published in The Jakarta Post.
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