ASEAN has just celebrated its 45th anniversary. It has been a long,
transformative journey for the association.
When ASEAN began in 1967,
Southeast Asia was comprised of less developed, agricultural-based economies.
Today, the region boasts ultra-modern metropolises with competitive industries
and economic growth rates that are among the highest in the world.
ASEAN’s expansion, too, has been
markedly visible. ASEAN took all 10 Southeast Asian states into its fold by
1999. This was a key accomplishment, directly linked to its raison d’être.
Outside member states, 64 ambassadors are currently accredited to the association.
The courteous, consultative and
consensual decision making that has been the hallmark of ASEAN diplomacy has
won praise. ASEAN-led forums are now important venues for promoting
confidence-building measures and for discussing items on the political and
security agenda for the region.
Another grand achievement is in
the pipeline. ASEAN is poised to realize its long-cherished dream of a
people-centered ASEAN Community in 2015. An integrated Southeast Asia with one
identity and one vision as its core values will become a new reality in the
global community of nations.
ASEAN’s successes have fueled
expectations. The “ASEAN Way” has been so successful that our harmony has been
taken for granted.
This explains why many were
aghast when ASEAN’s foreign ministers failed for the first time to produce
their customary joint communiqué at the latest ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in
Phnom Penh in July.
The absence of a communiqué was
especially glaring as the root cause was related to competing territorial
claims in South China Sea. Recent posturing in the area was provocative and
heightened tensions surrounding an already complex situation.
The problem was not the tensions
per se; overlapping territorial claims are always a protracted and sensitive
issue. Discord between ASEAN member nations, especially vis-à-vis China,
prevented issuance of the communiqué.
Quick action by the indefatigable
Marty Natalegawa, Foreign Minister of Indonesia, a non-claimant country,
salvaged the situation.
Thanks to Marty’s post-meeting
shuttle diplomacy, a face-saving statement outlining ASEAN’s principles on the
South China Sea was crafted in lieu of the communiqué.
The fiasco was unprecedented and
left ASEAN to face a barrage of questions. Is ASEAN susceptible to influence by
the big powers? Is ASEAN unity in peril?
The answer to both questions is a
clear “no”. External powers are a part of Southeast Asian geopolitical
realities. They are permanent, non-removable variables in the equation.
The very success of ASEAN hinges
on its ability to encourage those powers to abide by ASEAN’s cardinal
principles of respecting sovereignty and non-interference. Thus ASEAN must
court both the eagle and the dragon.
There are a number of flash
points in ASEAN’s backyard, however. Some involve big-power interests, such as
the Korean peninsula. Intra-ASEAN incidents, too, occasionally flare up, such
the recent diplomatic row between Cambodia and the Philippines.
These are perpetual challenges
that exemplify the politico-security dynamics of the region. ASEAN will
continue to be under pressure not because of a lack of initiatives and
engagement, but due to expectations of its ability to diffuse and preempt
problems, and to do so in perfect harmony.
The Phnom Penh episode might have
tarnished ASEAN’s image. But it accorded ASEAN a valuable lesson to reconcile
and reaffirm a common position amidst a rift. Altogether, ASEAN unity was
resealed.
There are no guarantees that
ASEAN will not stumble again in the future, however. This underlines the need
to consolidate ASEAN further.
ASEAN conveyed such intent
through the Bali Concord III, issued at the November 2011 ASEAN Summit. Then,
ASEAN leaders declared that they would establish a unified ASEAN position in
the global community of nations by 2022, i.e., 10 years from now.
The fissure in Phnom Penh
suggests that ASEAN should accelerate that timetable. A unified ASEAN position
should be an integral package of the ASEAN Community endeavor, not an appendix.
ASEAN has to attend to equally
urgent priorities as well. This includes reviewing rules of procedures
governing intra-ASEAN discord.
No one doubts the competence and
compassion of Marty as he tidied up loose ends of the Phnom Penh meeting. But,
what rules guided his action?
Indonesia is not a claimant in
the dispute, but it is also not currently the ASEAN chair. Shouldn’t the member
states entrust such a mandate to the secretary-general?
This brings to fore the point of
strengthening the Secretariat. ASEAN has a lot of homework to do. The
bottom-line is that a people-centered ASEAN is needed.
This means the secretariat should
have the resources to connect with the more than the 600 million citizens of
Southeast Asia.
The secretariat should not be
confined to servicing meetings of ASEAN officials only.
To date, the intent of empowering
the secretariat has not translated to support for adequate staffing and
resources.
These cases illustrate that the
current ASEAN challenges and priorities are not about big power relations.
ASEAN external relations are fluid and will remain so in the foreseeable
future. With a 45-year track record, ASEAN will find comfort and confidence in
the ASEAN Way and ASEAN-led forums.
It is ASEAN’s internal and
organizational challenges that are more pressing. ASEAN is close to five
decades in age, but it is at early stage of its transformation into a
rules-based organization.
Unlike the ASEAN Way, which has
evolved since the time of inception, the ASEAN Charter came into force only
recently, at the end of 2008.
Teething problems do occur. ASEAN
needs to define clearer mandates, establish closer coordination, and mobilize
greater resources. These are real requirements, not mere expectations.
ASEAN will need to redouble
efforts and exert ample political will to unify the hearts and minds of all
stakeholders to realize these visions. Herein lays the true test of community
building.
A.K.P. Mochtan
The writer is the director of the Japan ASEAN Integration Fund (JAIF)
Management Team at the ASEAN Secretariat. The views expressed here are his own.
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