The intersection of geo-strategic and geo-economic occurred in Bangkok
early last week within hours of departure of US President Barack Obama and the
arrival of Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao.
The first has been reelected for
four more years, the latter was on the way out after a decade of leadership. It
was not a coincidence that Obama and Wen were wooing Thailand, which occupied
the strategic hub in mainland Southeast Asia.
The two leaders had very short
time to make their presence felt and long lasting by utilising hard and soft
powers. It is difficult to avoid comparison. US came in with demands and
visions while China came in with offers and action plans. Strategies for
strategies, dollars for dollars, it seemed China came out on top. Thai public
opinion polls also showed that the public generally felt warmer to Thai-China
friendship and Wen's visit. The Chinese leader was in Thailand previously three
times but never on a state-visit like this one—which was arranged after the
conclusion of the National Party Congress in Beijing last week.
It was clear Thailand was under
pressure from the US to give in on key issues such as the Proliferation
Strategic Initiative (PSI), Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) and access to
Utapao airbase during emergency for humanitarian and disastrous assistance.
These three conditions are prerequisite for Obama's visit.
Kudos must be given to Prime
Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's brother, Thaksin, who was active behind the
scene since July to see to it that Obama made a stopover, rain or shine. After
all, Obma's landing was considered a sort of rubber stamp of Thaksin's long
held self-aggrandisement, which the US is willing to play. After all, he and
his Pheu Thai won the election and brought stability to Thailand for the past
15 months.
When Thaksin was the prime
minister, he wanted to trade off the PSI signatory with more US concessions but
it did not work out. This time he helped push through the decision to join
Trans Pacific Partnership, which was initially opposed by Ministry of Commerce.
The decision was essentially a
tactical and necessary move to ensure the smooth presidential visit. It is
doubtful if the future negotiation will yield any result given the bitter
experience of the failed Thai-US free trade agreement in 2003-05. Thailand and
Asean strongly support the newly launched regional trading bloc known as Regional
Comprehensive Economic Partnership at the Phnom Penh Summit. If it is
successful, RCEP will be a bigger trade bloc than the TPP.
To be fair, the best thing was
the Thai-US joint vision statement that outlines the future of the region's
oldest but ailing alliance. The four-point vision would reinvigorate and make
full use of the Thai-US military alliance. This would inevitably lead to the
revision and update of archaic Thanat-Rush agreement of 1962. The 50-year-old
defence treaty was concluded at the time when the US was fighting against
communism and the former Soviet Union.
For decades, Thailand and the US
shared common security threats. Now the new strategic landscape in the region
rendered the whole spirit of past cooperation obsolete. Rising China and India
are dominant headlines in this part of the world.
Wen's visit demonstrated the
growing interdependency of China's economic power with the rest of mainland
Southeast Asia, which covers Southern China, Myanmar, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia
and Thailand with population far exceeding those of Asean. Unlike the Western
colonial powers using of guns and cannons in the past centuries of conquests,
China is using high-speed trains as a new instrument to outreach all four
corners southward. Within 2018 if all go well, all major cities in China will
be connected to Kunming, Vientiane, Nong Khai, Bangkok, Sugai Kolok, Kuala
Lumpur and Singapore through 230-km an hour high-speed trains.
As such, the most often asked
question today is how can Thailand play both powers to preserve and promote
national interests? Almost all public opinions in recent days pointed to one
direction—Thailand must be neutral. But none of them explained what neutrality
means in the age of heighten competition and cooperation between US-China
rivalry.
Even senior officials at Ministry
of Foreign Affairs were unable to be more specific when pressed on to explain
what neutrality actually means and can be deployed within the present strategic
environment.
In the past, when Thailand said
it was neutral it meant that it did not choose sides. That was obvious because
Thailand literally the only country in the region that was free and
independent. Other counties had just gained independence and some remained
close-societies due to their political systems. So, Thailand had all the cards
it could play, especially to stay on the fence as long as possible without
siding with anyone. This strategy is proving valuelless in the time of
fast-moving political event, aided by online social media and 24-hour
information society. Timeliness is everything.
For instance, Thailand's decision
to back the Palestinian statehood at the UN was kept under wraps for nine
months even though the decision was affirmed at the very beginning. But none of
the officials both at the desk and middle levels wanted to make a decision when
a more senior official refused to do so.
When Thailand made the decision,
it was among the very last and no diplomatic value—just liked the decision to
sign the PSI, which came after nine years. It was 102nd country to sign.
Thailand could score much higher value if it acceded in 2003 when it could be
part of top 24 countries.
Thai officials must get rid of
the old mindset of "neutrality" which equates to "play it
safe" or worse, it means "irresponsibility". From now on, the
Thais must take the bulls by the horns. It can say a clear "yes" or
"no" on issues concerned national interests and those of our
alliances. To be neutral in the rapid shifting strategic order is to understand
its limit and potentials. Thailand is an open and dynamic society and share
common perspectives across multi-issues with countries around the world. With
some humility, Thailand can do that very well.
But truth be told, Prime Minister
Yingluck Shinawatra and her trusted lieutenant Foreign Minister Surapong
Tohvijakchaikul were cluelless.
They have failed to articulate
the ideal regional order and maximise it to strength the country's position and
bargain power. In a globalised world, ambiguity is the worse diplomatic enemy
as it could not help in any strategic planning regardless of countries. Just
look around, our neighbouring countries are getting bolder.
Myanmar has said "no"
to China and the US previously. Nay Pyi Taw has gained respects that way.
Vietnam and the Philippines are no longer playing the second fiddler. Thailand
can be neutral by being frank with friends and foes and understand its national
interests clearly.
Kavi Chongkittavorn
Business & Investment Opportunities
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