Clearly,
something is afoot in Burma. But what is it, and what does it mean?
In recent weeks, the government has moved to
update old legislation, address poverty and economic issues, lift some
restrictions on the media, and embrace pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi -
clearly not par for the course in a country known for military rule for close
to 50 years.
Optimists interpret these as baby steps on the
long road to democracy. The cynical say they've seen it all before.
Dr Maung Zarni, a research fellow at the
London School of Economics and a strident critic of Burma's military, considers
the reforms a "mirage", and says the country's generals are simply
"reinventing their grip on Burma's society, economy and politics".
Like several others, Ms Debbie Stothard,
coordinator for the Alternative Asean Network on Burma, a network of
organisations and individuals supportive of democracy in Burma, puts forth the
view that the changes have been made partly to help Burma secure the Asean
chairmanship in 2014. She adds that "domestically, some of the changes are
part of a competition by individuals and factions to gain local legitimacy from
a traditionally cynical population".
This view - that Burma is making a bid to win
Asean over so the grouping will endorse its bid to take up the rotating Asean
chair in 2014 - is plausible.
Mr Marty Natalegawa, Foreign Minister of
Indonesia - the current chair - is due to visit Burma soon to assess whether it
should be invited to chair Asean in 2014. A decision will be made at the Asean
summit in Bali in November.
Much of the legislation winding through the
country's new Parliament - such as on trade and investment issues, and workers'
rights - is aimed at ensuring that Burma's regulatory framework is brought in
line with Asean and international protocols.
There is also official indication the
authorities may release at least a few hundred of up to 2,000 political
prisoners soon. These could include figures like popular comedian Zarganar,
arrested in 2008 while helping victims of Cyclone Nargis.
Addressing the United Nations General Assembly
in New York this week, Burma's Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin said President
Thein Sein would declare an amnesty for prisoners "at an appropriate time
in the near future".
A Yangon-based foreign analyst who e-mailed me
believes the changes are not just to impress Asean, but are for real:
"Yes, the pace (of change) is partly dictated by the fact that Asean is
soon to give an answer to Burma's bid to assume the chair in 2014. But the
change taking place is real."
But - exhibiting the caution which many say is
still warranted - he asked not to be named.
Professor David Steinberg of Georgetown
University pointed out that even if the reforms are being made to win Burma the
Asean chair, the key consideration is that they are real and they will improve
people's lives. But he also warned: "The situation is fragile because of
potential opposition to them internally."
Whatever the motivations for reform,
long-standing Burma watchers know that trying to force rapid change in
tradition-bound Burma will be counter-productive, playing into the hands of
those who have a vested interest in the status quo and giving them an excuse to
try to return the country to the bunkers.
"The military still has the power to
press the 'rewind' button if it is uncomfortable with developments," warns
Ms Stothard.
But perhaps the best indication that things
are really changing comes from Ms Suu Kyi herself. Though she remains in favour
of Western sanctions - a stance that has annoyed the military in the past -
recent events indicate that her position on other matters may be shifting
subtly.
Since she met President Thein Sein and other
government ministers recently, the once-combative democracy icon has had mostly
positive things to say about the country's governing elite.
Speaking via satellite link to current and
former world leaders at a New York seminar last week, for instance, she said:
"I'm cautiously optimistic that we're going forward. We're beginning to
see the beginning of change."
Her cautious endorsement suggests Burma is on
the cusp of change, though the process itself remains fragile.
There are already perceptible changes in the
power structures since the elections. Formidable senior general Than Shwe - now
retired - is no more the sole and undisputed authority. Generals, now in
civilian posts, compete with each other. Politicians are right in the mix, and
dare to shout down the former military men. Debates in Parliament have even
been described by witnesses as "fiery".
Outside factors are also playing a part. The
shift in Burma comes at a time of rapid investments from China - and to a
smaller extent, India - to boost Burma's ports, highways and pipelines.
Meanwhile, India and Asean are pushing for completion of the east-west leg of
the Asian highway that will connect Thailand to India through Burma.
Writing this month in Foreign Policy magazine,
historian Thant Myint-U said: "Over these next few years, Asia's geography
will see a fundamental reorientation, bringing China and India together as never
before across what was once a vast and neglected frontier. Burma, long seen in
Western policy circles as little more than an intractable human rights
conundrum, may soon sit astride one of the world's newest and most
strategically significant crossroads."
Mr Thant is dismissive of the view that
Burma's reforms are designed to get it the Asean chair and win over
international opinion, describing the idea as "frankly, quite
ludicrous".
In an interview, he said: "The real
motivations are a mix of two things: A genuine desire to see a better future
for Burma, and a realisation that in the absence of reform, future unrest,
perhaps violent unrest, is far from impossible."
In this calculus, reform in Burma is spurred
by self-interest. That is likely to be the strongest guarantee of genuine
change.
Nirmal Ghosh
The Straits Times
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