Talking about the Khmer Rouge with Tara, a Cambodian taxi driver, all he
knew was that in his village, some 30-somethings like him once went to Phnom
Penh to hear the trials of Khmer Rouge leaders. "Vehicles came to pick you
up, and you even got a free meal," said Tara, who lives in a village not
far away from Siem Reap.
Many Cambodians still remember
the Khmer Rouge era, which ended over 30 years ago. It is estimated that during
the ruling by the Khmer Rouge, which lasted 44 months, anywhere between 400,000
and 3 million people, out of a population of less than 8 million, died of
hunger, forced labor, disease, torture, political persecution, or from other
unnatural reasons. The Khmer Rouge is still a frequent topic in Cambodian and
other Southeast Asian media.
One month ago, I attended an
ASEAN meeting at Siem Reap, and read a report published by the Cambodia Daily
on how a Cambodian man didn't learn until a recent trial of the Khmer Rouge
that his wife, who disappeared 34 years ago, actually died after being
imprisoned in a concentration camp.
More than a few tourists arriving
in Cambodia are also very interested in that period of history. In the night
fair at Siem Reap, one can find biographies written by Westerners about Khmer
Rouge leader Pol Pot, and books revealing the horrors of Security Prison 21,
that once confined "political criminals."
According to the Thai media, Pol
Pot's graveyard in northern Cambodia has become a newly developed tourist site.
In Siem Reap, trials of the Khmer
Rouge leaders are ongoing. Case 001, on Kang Kek Iew, head of the Security
Prison 21, was closed at the beginning of this year, when he was sentenced to
life imprisonment. The current case 002 had four defendants, Nuon Chea, Khieu
Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith, and all of whom were leaders of the Khmer
Rouge.
That part of history has been
taught at high schools since 2009, according to arrangements by Cambodia's
Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport. Although that part of history is
already remote to 30-somethings like Tara, the memory of the Khmer Rouge hasn't
completely faded out.
Historical events can be tucked
into a corner for a while. However, they won't vanish, but will always jump out
later in their own way.
When people mention the Khmer
Rouge, many might be reminded of the support China once gave it. This is a
problem that cannot be avoided. No matter whether China wants it or not, as
China's relationships with Cambodia and Southeast Asia grow closer, people will
allude to that history.
In fact, in the US pivot to Asia,
one important strategy is to take advantage of the Cold War legacy. The
historical shadow of the Khmer Rouge lies behind recent Western finger-pointing
that Cambodia is risking the destruction of ASEAN unity over the South China
Sea issue just to cater to Beijing.
An interesting phenomenon is that
the Americans, who also provided support to the Khmer Rouge due to their own
needs in the Cold War, have now become the third largest donor of the tribunal
putting the Khmer Rouge leaders on trial. In comparison, in China, this
tribunal is even barely mentioned by the media yet.
Is it true that the US, which is
seeking a pivot to the Asia-Pacific region, really has no historical burden?
Absolutely no.
US journalist Joel Brinkley, in
his book Cambodia's Curse, states that from 1970 to 1975, the US provided the
Lon Nol administration with military and economic aid worth as much $1.85
billion, or $9 billion if calculated in 2010 dollars.
Who has studied about how many
lives such aid cost in Southeast Asia?
But since the beginning of this
year, the US government has done two things to address historical issues in
Southeast Asia.
First, it promised to spend $9
million to clear land mines left by the Vietnam War. Statistics show that 90
million cluster bombs were drooped on Laos, but were left unexploded at the
time. These bombs are still killing Laotians today.
Second, in August, for the first
time since 1975, the US embarked on a joint project with Vietnam to clean up
the toxic remnants of Agent Orange. During the Vietnam War, US planes sprayed
millions of gallons of the defoliant Agent Orange over Vietnam's jungles to
destroy the hiding places of the Viet Cong. Four decades on, the chemical is
still harming the health of ordinary Vietnamese.
Through these actions, is the US
simply seeking to fix its image? Certainly not. These projects have been openly
included as part of the US "back to Asia" strategy. Just like
providing support to the tribunal putting the Khmer Rouge on trial, the
Americans are trying to play the role of a responsible leader in Southeast
Asia.
It's probably time for us to
seriously consider how we should deal with the historical issue of the Khmer
Rouge.
Ding Gang
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