It was supposed to lay the foundation for a huge Free Trade Agreement,
but the East Asia Forum has exposed a rift between ASEAN nations over control
of the South China Sea, writes Damien Kingsbury.
The recently-concluded East Asia
Forum (EAF) has highlighted the contentious role of a growing China in regional
affairs.
For an event that was intended
primarily to lay the foundation for a huge Free Trade Agreement (FTA), the EAF
has been at least as notable for a profound, perhaps fatal, rift in the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The proposed East Asia Free Trade
Area (FTA), including around a third of the world's global economy, is intended
to capitalise on this region's current and projected economic strength.
While there are many thorny
details to be resolved, not least trade advantages flowing from China's
artificially low currency, there is a general sense that the FTA process will
continue to be developed.
More critically, though, and
which overshadowed the broad thrust towards a FTA, was the South China Sea
dispute. China's assertive, perhaps belligerent, posturing in the South China
Sea has long been a sore point with regional neighbours.
The South China Sea contains
significant oil and gas deposits, extensive fisheries and implies a vast
territorial reach across some of the world's most used sea lanes. China's
preferred model for dealing with the issue is through bilateral discussions.
In practice, this means China's
has asserted a claim and backed it up by deploying surveillance ships and
outposts on some of the atolls and islets that dot the region. Such
'discussion' is, then, very one-sided.
As the dispute centres on a
region claimed by four of the nine ASEAN states – the Philippines, Malaysia,
Brunei and Vietnam – they view it as an ASEAN issue. China, however, has made
very clear that it does not want the issue to be 'internationalised'.
'Internationalising’ the South
China Sea dispute means, in the first instance, that it becomes an issue to be
addressed by ASEAN as a whole. Following from this would be an appeal based on
Law of the Sea to international forums.
The territorial aspects of Law of
the Sea are clear about how to define territorial reach and, under this law,
China's forthright claims to the South China Sea would be regarded as, at best,
fanciful.
To stymy this prospect, China's
proxies in ASEAN have thwarted this 'internationalisation'.
At the ASEAN Foreign Ministers
meeting in Phnom Penh in July, Cambodia vetoed the issuing of a communique,
given it would have included the South China Sea issue.
Cambodia, a close trading partner
with China, receives considerable aid and is diplomatically aligned. Laos, too,
is close to China, with Thailand and Myanmar taking somewhat more nuanced, but
distinctly non-confrontational, approaches to China's claims.
On the other side, the
Philippines is the key protagonist in favour of 'internationalisation',
supported by Vietnam. Malaysia and Brunei also favour an internationally
brokered resolution to the dispute.
Cambodia's assertion on Tuesday
that the ASEAN states had agreed not to internationalise the issue was bluntly
rebuffed by the Philippines' President Aquino. He said that there was no ASEAN
consensus on the issue and that the Philippines' claim was one of national
sovereignty. The Philippines and China engaged in a tense stand-off in the
South China Sea earlier in the year.
While all countries represented
at the EAF want a Free Trade Agreement, they also recognise that ASEAN's unity
is central to it.
The question is, with China
asserting its regional claims via ASEAN proxy states, whether China sees the
FTA as more important than its claims to the South China Sea.
ASEAN was invented during, and in
response to, the Cold War, and its expansion followed the Cold War's
conclusion. Times have since changed, with China assuming a major place on the
global economic and, increasingly, strategic stage. Having previously reflected
a changing external environment, it may be that ASEAN is again being shaped by
external changes.
ASEAN's divisions over loyalties
to and contest with China may come to challenge the organisation's future. It
may also, thereby, end current prospects for an FTA.
Damien Kingsbury
Business & Investment Opportunities
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